FAZLUR RAHMAN'S ISLAMlC PHILOSOPHY (2)

CHAPTER I
FAZLUR RAHMAN'S DEFlNlTlON
OF ISLAMIC PHILOSOPHY
In his arguments conceming the defhition of Islarnic philosophy, Fazlur Rahman
tries to use an Islamic rnethodology in order to find an explicatory dennition of Islamic
philosophy based on Qur7-iic teachuigs. Ln his studies of various philosophers, Rahman
examines the writings of his historical predecessors as well as his contemporaries, analyzing
their philosophical findings and contrasting their ideas with the Qur7â.n. To Rahman,
philosophy in Islam marked a critical chapter in the history of human thought.
Nevertheless, he offers a critique of Muslim philosophers for not being Islamic-rninded in
their endeavours and for betraying their weak religious convictions. In Rahman's judgrnent,
MusIim philosophers have failed to discem the differences between "higher religio-moral
cognition and other forms of intellectud c~gni t ion. "H~e~ th erefore strongly recommends
that they devote more space in their discourse to ethical questions.
The present chapter focuses on the dennition of Islamic philosophy giwn by F d u r
Rahman and is divided into three sections. The first section consists of a brief preliminary
discussion of the development of fdsafah and kalam in Islam. Some conceptions of Islamic
philosophy outlined by important scholars in the field will be discussed in section two.
These two sections serve as a basis for understanding Rahman's general defhition of
Islamic philosophy. Section three analyzes the specific characteristics of Rahman's Islamic
philosophy. As the following pages show, Fazlur Rahman's definition of Islamic philosophy
*%aidur Rahman, IsIamic Methodology in History (Karachi: Central Institut e of Islamic
Research, l965), 124.
is disthguished by the emphasis it places on ethics and his own personal religious beliefs.
A. The Development of Falsafa6 and Kdgm in Islam: A Brief Discussion
The word falsfd is derived fiom the Greek philosophia, and refers to the tradition
as a whole.'' The development of falafd began with the movement to translate Greek
philosophical texts into Arabic, both directly and fiom Synac versions," a process which
extended fiomjust before the time of al-Ma'mÜn (reigned 813-833 A. D.) through to the
tenth century? It is often assumed that fdsafah was simply a continuation of pfilosophiq
nevertheless, Arabic-speaking Muslims were not part of the tradition in which phdosophia
had developed. This was because for the Falisifah (Muslim philosophers), the new concepts
that they took f?om the Greeks were foreign, and they had to adapt themselves to these
"~arshall Hodgson argues t hat the word fa/afab is ot-iginally ident ical with Western
'philosophy.' This, however, includes not only the study of metaphysics and logic, or even these
sciences in addition to the positive sciences, but more importantly, implies the "philosophic
approach to Living, of which interest in such studies was an expression." ( n e Venture ofIslm, vol.
1 [Chicago: The University of Chicago Press, 19741,418). Jean Jolivet states that falsafa is TsIamic
philosophy in the technical sense of the word. It refers to the philosophical mode inherited fiom the
Greek. which developed since the beginning of the ninth centiiry A. D. in the Muslim world ("The
Development of Philosophical Thought in Its Relationship with Islam up to Avicema," In Islam,
Pbrïosopby andScience paris: The Unesco Press, 19801, 37-8).
2 2 ~A. maldez, 'Talsafâ," in m eE ncydopaeedia of f i lm,n ew ed., ed. by Bernard Lewis, Ch.
Pellat, et al. (Leiden: E. J. Brill, 1954-), 2:769 [subsequent references to this edition of The
Encyclpaedia oflsm will be designated by the abbreviation E4.
23~odgsonT, he Venture ofIsIam, vol. 1,412. Al-MaYmÜnf ounded the Bayt aL@Zmab
(House of Wisdorn) in Baghdad, a scientific institution founded in imitation of the ancient academy
of Djundaysàbür. In this institution, the main activity was to translate the Greek philosophical
materials which had been brought from RÜm under the instruction of the caliph. Its directors were
Sahl b. Hi and Salm, assisted by SaCid b. Hikün. This institution, however, did not susvive under
the reign of al-Mutawakkil (reigned 847-61). A similru; and the most important academy founded
in FGiimid times was the DE&-@bah.. established by al-H-&m in 1005 A. D. @. Sourdel, "Bayt
al-Hikrna," Ef, 1: 1 141).
The Faylasx we have said, was dedicated to philosophic reason, to following its
conclusion, without yielding to preconceptions, wherever it might lead. But
'reason' had for the Faylasiïfi a more exacting implication than mere 'reasoning'
as a general activity ... Rationality involved bringing d l experience and ail values
under a logicaily consistent total concept ion of reality ... The Philosophic version
of rationality required, to begin with, the acquisition of a good deal of speciaüzed
information. But the Faylasüf scholar was not interested just in gathering facts ...
In any case, a true 'philosopher' ought not to be interested in the particular for its
own sake?
The translation movement was not, however, the fïrst impact of Greek ideas on the
Muslims. Before that, in the first half of the eight century, the Mu'tazilites (the fist
speculative theologians in Islam) had broached Greek thought. Simon van den Bergh even
argues that the word mufakalIimU0, dialecticians, shares the name of the Stoics in later
Greek phiIosophy. It has been argued that the Mu'tazilites took the theory of the
"rationality of religion," and the "optimistic view of a rational God who has created the
best of al1 possible worlds" fiom the S t o i ~ s . ~ ~
The word mufakdfim& originates fiom ka/am, literdly "speech or %ord." The
discussion of kalam in this context, however, refers to 'ih al-kd&, one of the religious
sciences in Islam; "the discipline which brings to the service of religious beliefs ('*'id)
discursive arguments; which thus provides a place for reflexion and meditation, and hence
for reason, in the elucidation and defence of the content of the faith."" It is usually referred
2S~odgsonT, he Venture o f l sm, v ol. 1,422.
26~imovna n den Bergh, "introduction," Aveiroes' TA& al-T'abafut (Oxford: Oxford
University Press, 1954), ix.
" L. Gardet, 'Tm al-Kaliim," EF, 3: 1 142.
13
to as Islamic theology or Islamic scholasticism. The development of k& began as early
as the battle of Sifiin (657 A. D.), when the Muslim community spüt into what would
become three main politico-religious traditions (KhZriJi, SE5 and Simni) over the problem
of the validity of the ah (leadership) and over that of the "st atus of believer" which
must be possessed by the in~h.C'~er tain intellectual refinements, however, were only
achieved when this movement was incorporated into the Muctazilah scho01.~~
As noted by van Ess, the name Mu? azilab refers to a religious movement which
arose quite early in the history of Islam. During the ninth and tenth centuries, this group
developed into a theological ~chool.'~It soon became one of the most important theological
schools in Islam, and the Mu'tazilites are considered the earliest ~utakallirnün? They
adopted access to certain strands of Greek thought in their attempt at t akkg Islamic dogma
to a higher intellect ual level, one that is more adapted to the needs of contemporary
"L. Gardet, "'Th al-Kalb," Ef, 3: 1141-2.
'%ajid Fakhry, A Xisow offilamirc Philosop& 2nd ed. (New York: Columbia University
Press, 1983), 44. The MuYazilah started as early as 'Ml's tirne when "several notable Cornpanions
of the Prophet refused to pay 'AG the homage which he demanded or offered it reluctantly" (33. S.
Nyberg, "al-Mu'tazila," in me Eocyclopaedïa oEIs~mf,i rst ed., ed. by M. Th. Houtsma, et al.
Beiden; E. J. Brill, 19 13-1938; reprint, 1987],6:757) [subsequent references to this edition of The
Encyclopae&a of Islam wilt be designated by the abbreviation El']. Nyberg also argues that
originally the Mu'tazilah was politically oriented, having misen under the same "constellation" as
the SET and Khanji C'al-Muctazila, 787). See also D. Gimaret, ''MMiftazila," Ef and W. M. Watt,
The Formative PeRod o f h l m c ~ o u g h(tE dinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1973).
?Josef van Ess, "Muqazilah," in ne Encyclopeda ofReligin, eed by M. Eliade (New York:
Macmillan Publishing Co., 1987), 10:220.
3L~e nCr yor bin, HIstory of h l m c P filosophy, tram. L. S herrard (London: Kegan Paul
International, 1993), 105-6.
14
k~owledge.'~W att argues that the persons who initiated the discussion of Islamic dogmas
in terms of Greek philosophical conceptions included some of the most important
MuMlit es.33
Taking as an example the concept of cosrnology, it is interesting to compare the
views of the Falasifah with those of the Mutakallimün, especially the proponents of AsWafi
kali!&- The Falisifah held the view that the world is unchanging and eternal. In this sense,
knowledge is "a matter of timeless concepts, essences, and natural laws, rather than of
transient and changing details," and as a consequence, the world is seen as "timelessly
proceeding fiom self-sufficient Reason, each event in it being but an exemplification of
logical po~sibilities.'"~O n the other hand. the AshCdyahd o not believe in any inherently
unchanging essences or natural laws. Accordingly, the world is seen as a product of an act
of will in time by God, "and within it, every particular event was in tum the imrnediate act
of ~ o d . " ~ '
B. Some Definitions of Islamic Philosophy
Before embarking on a discussion of Rahman's contribution to the debate, this
section outlines some of the prevailing interpretations of Islamic philosophy held by such
3 2 ~H. o rten, TaIsafa," EI' 3:48.
3 3 ~M.. W att , IsImic Poilosophy md Theofogy (Edinburgh:E dinburgh University Press,
1979), 58-9.
"~od~sonT,h e Venture ofIsIam, vol. 1,441.
3S~odgsonn,e Venture oflslam,v ol. 1,441.
eminent scholars in the field as Toshihiko I n i t ~ u , 'H~e nry Corbin;' Majid Fakhrfs and
Seyyed Hossein Na~r."~
Izutsu for his part, contradicts the Western belief that the demise of Islamic
philosophy occurred with the death of Averroes in 1 198. The danger in accepting this belief,
36~oshihikoh t s u (d. 1993) was a scholar in the fields of Islamic, Far Eastern, and
comparative philosophy. He mastered over thirty languages, and was mainly concerned with Iranian
mystics and philosophers. Among his philosophical and mysticd works are: The Co~cepaf nd
ReaYty of ExrStence (Toiqro: Keio Institute of Cultural and Linguistic Studies, 1971);
"lntroduction," ?lie Mefaphysics of Sabzava trans. M. Mohaghegh and T. h t s u (New York:
Caravan Books, 1977); Sufrm aod TaorSm: Key P'iosophicai Concepts (E3erkeley : University of
California Press, 1983); and Creato~ao d the Timeless Order of Things: Essays in Islarmk Mystical
Phiiosophy (Oregon: White Cloud Press, 1994).
" ~ e n rC~or bin ( d 1978) was one of the few Western scholars wlio paid great attention to
the development of Islamic philosophy in Persia among the Shicites. In Tehran, he established and
directed the 'Bibliotheque Iranienne,' which aimed at collecting and analyzing original Persian and
Arabic texts. Among his works are: ~alsafah- i&7va7 F dsafab-i T$b7q7(Tehran: Institut Français
de Recherche en Iran: Intishirât-i TUS, 1990); and En Islam fimien: Aspects Spilituels et
Phiiosuphiques (Paris: Gallimard, 1971-2), 4 vols. For his work on the development of Islarnic
philosophy, which has been translated into English, see n. 3 1 above.
" ~ a j i d Fakhry is a prolific writer, both in Arabic and English, who concentrates on the
relation between Greek and Islamic philosophical thought. He is now Professor of PhiIosophy at
Georgetown University, Washington. For his work on the history of Islamic philosophy see n. 29
above, and his recent anthology: Pbr'losophy, Dogma and the h p c t of Greek Thougbr i~ Is/am
(Hampshire, UK: Variorum, 1994).
3g~eyyeHdo ssein Nasr (bom 1933) is an Iranian thinker, and one of the scholars most active
in introducing the traditional metaphysics of lslamic philosophy to the modem world. He is now
Professor of Islamic Studies at George Washington University, Washington D. C. Arnong his works
on IsZamic philosophy are: Bee Mmu'm Sages (New York: Caravan, 19%); htroduction to I'sarmé
Cosmologrëal Doctnbes (Albany: SUNY Press, 1 9 93); and Science aod Civ17ization in kIam mew
York: Barnes and Noble, 1992). For more information about his life and activities see Mehdi Amin
Razavi, "htroduction," in The I'sfamiic htellectud Tradition in Persia (Richmond: Curzon Press,
1996), ix-xv; Jane 1. Smith, 'SrTasr, Seyyed Hossein," in The OxhrdEncycIopedia of the Moa'em
IsIamic World, ed. John L. Esposito (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995), :230-1; arid Jane 1.
Smith, "Seyyed Hossein Nasr: Defender of the Sacred and Islamic Traditionalism," in The Muslrms
o f h e z k a , 88-95. For more information about his works see me Works ofSeyyedNossein Nasr
Through His Fortieth Birfhday, compiled by W. C. Chittick (Salt Lake City: University of Utah
Press, Monograph 6, 1977), 7-12. For the latest edition of his publication see M. Aminrazavi, ed.,
n e C ompkîe Bibliog~apboy f the Worho fS eped Hossern Nasr: From 1958 Thougb Apnï 1993
(Kuala Lumpur: IsIamic Academy of Science of Malaysia, 1994).
he argues, is that one may assume that Islamic philosophical thought ceased altogether at
that tirne. Izutsu maintains that only the first phase of the history of Islamic philosophy,
i.e. the living influence of Islamic philosophy upon the formative process of Westem
philosophy, had corne to an end. Therefore, he concludes, with the death of Averroes
lslarnic philosophy lost its vitality for the West, but not for the ~ a s t . ~ '
Imtsu fùrther questions the assumption, held by many Western scholars, that the
Muslim world produced nothing more than commentators who lacked any originality,
following the golden age of Islamic philosophy --that is, the penod of three centuries
extending fiom al-FGibi (d. 950) to Averroes. Izutsu argues on the contrary that a kind of
philosophy which was "typically and characterist ically Islamic" developed only afier t he
death of Averroes rather than before. This arose and matured in the period following the
Mongol invasion, continuing well into the Safawid penod in Iran. This form of Islamic
philosophy, lmown as & b a t , is a blend of rational thought and gnostic intuition."'
Corbin emphasizes in his works that Islamic philosophy is a body of thought which
is essentidy linked to the religious and spintual fact of Islam. Consequently, Corbin states
that the discourse on Islarnic philosophy is incomplete without the inclusion of a broader
spectrum ofMuslim thinkers thm the few great thinkers of Islam made familiar to medieval
Western Europe through Lat in translation^.^^
'%tsu, "Introduction," 2.
4 L ~ ~ct'Instr~od,uc tion," 3. This word, hik-maby in Arabic, or o i h a t in Persian means
wisdom. For a further discussion of the concept of bitbaah, see Nasr works: "The School of
IspahZn," and "S hihiib al-En S uhrawardi Maqt El," in A Hstory of Muslim POiIosopdy, ed. M. M.
Sharif, vol. 2 (Weisbaden: O. Harrassowitz, 1966), 904-32, and 372-98, respectively.
42~orbine,s t or^ xiv.
Corbin's views warrant closer examination. In h e with Imtsu, he attempted to
account for the histoncal source of the assumption that the development of philosophical
meditation in Islam came to an end with the death of Averroes. Kis research led Km to the
conclusion that such perceptions arose out of the West's inability, or unwillingness, to
distinguish between philosophical meditation in Islam, on the one hand, and what is cailed
'philosophy' in the West on the other. He argues that the distinction between 'philosophy'
and 'theology' in the West could not exist in Islam, since it presupposes a process of
'secularization' that is alien to Islam. Corbin goes even further in stating that it is
impossible to speak of &hab (sopbia) in Islam without also speaking of rny~ticisrn.~~
Corbin's findings have not escaped criticism. Majid Fakhry criticizes him for his
heavy reliance on the Shicite and Isrnacili element, which, in his estimation, obscures the
organic nature of Islamic t h o ~ g h tF.a~k hry himself approaches Islamic philosophy fiom a
historical perspective. He states that Islamic philosophy is "the product of a complex
intellectual process in which Syrïans, Arabs, Persians, Turks, Berbers, and others took a .
active part."45 Although he includes a discussion on the Islamic intellectual tradition in
Persia, as represented by Suhrawardi (d. 1 1 9 1) and Mulla S adrZ (d. 1 64 1), he nevert heless
43~orbinH,i stom xv-xvi. He translates the word hikmar as theosophy.
44 Fakhry, A Hstoy, ix. For an extensive review of Fakhry's Hj'stoy, see P. Morewedge, "A
Major Contribution to the History of Islamic Philosophy: A Review Article," The MusIim World
62 (1972): 148-57.
45~akhryho, wever, suggests that "Arabic philosophy" is a convenient term of reference to
this body of work on account of the great contribution made by Arabs to Islarnic philosophy. To
name but one contribution, it was the Arabs who h t exhibited a great interest in ancient leaming.
Without this stimulus, the Muslim intellectual renaissance was not likely to have been realized (A
ES-, xv). Faktiryys argument, however, is open to debate since it was al-Ma'mün, a Persian, who
first initiated the building of Bayt al-Hikmah as a stimulus to ancient learning. See n. 23 above.
18
fails to explain clearly their role as the bearen of the Islamic philosophical traditions to the
East, as do Izutsu, Corbin, and Nasr,
Fakhry argues that Western scholars pay scant attention to the development of
Islamic philosophical thought for two reasons. In the fist instance, the subject matter itself
is perceived to be "fundamentally medieval in spirit and outlook-" In this sense, the
discussion on Islamic philosophy gains cunency only "in so far as it has a direct or indirect
bearing on the development of European philosophy or Christian theology." In the second
instance, he argues, there is the character of Western scholarship it self, which continues
since the seventeenth century onwards has tended to minimize the role of Greek, Arabic and
Latin thought?
In line with both h t s u and Corbin, Hossein Nasr provides an added distinction
between two levels of philosophy, "profane" and "tradit ional." B y the first term, Nasr refers
to the philosophic fmction currently accepted in the West. Here, philosophy is ''the attempt
of man to reach ultimate knowledge of things through the use of his rational and sensuous
faculties and ciit off cornpletely fkoa both the effusion of grace and the light of the Divine
Intellect .'"' By contrast, traditional philosophy refers to an activity which is based on
certainty rather than doubt. Nasr postdates that at this level "man's mind is C O ~ ~ ~ U O U S ~ ~
36 Fakhry, A Hjstory, viii.
47~eyyedH ossein Nasr, "The Meaning and Role of 'Philosophy' in Islam," Sudia Is/amia
36 (1973): 58. For the distinction between metaphysics and profane philosophy see R. Guenon,
Iotroduction to the Study ofIi2du Doclnoes, t rans. M. Pallis (London, 1 949, 1 08 ff, and "Orient ai
Metaphysics," in Needleman, ed., ne Sword of Gnosis (Baltimore, 1974), 40-56.
iIluminated by the light of the Divine Intellect and protected fiom error."" Nasr concludes
that if one considers philosophy on its first level, one finds that its manifestation in Islam
is very limited. On the other hand, when one attempts to understand philosophy on its
second level, one finds one of the richest intellectual strains in the world. This philosophic
form is "always related to religious realities and has been most often wedded to
illumination (ishiq)a nd gnosis (ilfa." 49
Nasr suggests that to gauge the place of philosophy in Islam, one must look at
Islam in depth, including the dimension of oaqriab. He understands as being one
dimension of IsIamic revelation, besides two others, i.e. the shafIcah and the ~ ~ q qthai ti
has been revealed to rnankind.'' He goes further stating:
4S~a s r'T, he Meaning and Role," 59. Nasr calls this type of philosophy scieotia sama which
means "sacred howledge which lies at the heart of every revelation and is the centre of that circle
which encompasses and defines tradition" (Koo wledge md the Sacred [Albany: SUNY Press, 1 9891,
13 0). See also his other work: The Needfor a Sacred Science (Albany: SUNY Press, 1993). It is very
clear that Nasr shares the opinion of Rine Guénon (d. 1928), A French metaphysician, traditionaiist,
and scholar of religion, Frithjof Schuon (b. 1907), and A. K. Coomaraswamy (d. 1947) on the
importance of the doctrine ofpol'losopbiaperemisand the sacred science. Among Guenon's writings
translated into English are: Est md West, trans. Martin Lings, 2nd ed. (New York: Sophia Peremis
et Universalis, 1995); Introduction to the Study ofHradu Doctr'nes, Fmdameotal Spbok: The
UniversalLaoguage ofSacred Science, trans. Alvin Moore, Jr. (Cambridge: Quinta Essentia, 1995),
and Cn'sis of the Modern Wora trans. M. Pallis and R. Nicholson (London, 1945). Among Frithjof
Schuon's works are: Islam and the Peremial Phrïosophy (London: World of Islam Festival
Publishing Company Ltd., 1976); ne Transcendent Unity ofReIigons (Wheaton: Theosophical
Publishing House, 1984). Among Coomaraswamy are: .4 New Approach to rhe Vedas.. AD Essay I;o
Translation mdExegesis(london: Luzac and Co., 1933); Sources of Wisdom (Colombo: Ministry
of Cultural Affairs, 1981).
4 ??lasr, "The Meaning and Role," 58-9. Nasr agrees with Corbin stating that the notion of
bihah cannot be ideatified with philosophy, or theology as currently uoderstood in the Western
concept. Be, however, refuses to identifi it with theosophy, as Corbin does, since it hzlc,
unfortunately, been identified with pseudo-spiritualist movernents in the English-speaking world
(Nasr, "The School of QpahZn," 907).
'%sr, "The Meaning and Role," 57-8. See also his IsIarrmë Liife md Thought (Albany:
SUNY Press, 1981), 155; and fdeds mdRealities in Islam (London: Aquarian, 1994), 93-146, where
he discusses these terms in detail.
The very term al-4ia47qa.h is of the greatest sigificance for the understanding of
the relation between Islamic philosophy and the sources of the Islamic revelat ion.
Al-&q+ah means both tmth a d reality. It is related to God Himself, one of
whose names is al-Haqqor the Truth, and is that whose discovery is the goal of
al1 Islamic philosophy. At the same time al-baq7qa6 constitutes the inner reality
of the QUI'& and can be reached through a hermeneutic penetration of the
meaning of the Sacred Text. Throughout history, many an Islamic philosopher has
identified falsafd or &&ah, the two main terms used with somewhat different
meaning for Islamic philosophy, with the HaqTqab lying at the heart of the
Qur'iÛ~.~~
This survey of the dennitions of Islamic philosophy given by the afore-mentioned
scholars illustrates t heir underst anding of the discipline as a process and product of thought
which did not cease to exist after the death of Averroes. Three of these scholars, namely
Izutsu, Corbin, and Nasr, place particular stress on the development of Islamic philosophy
in Persia, where the term bihat retains wide c~rrency.~~
The fact that the Peripatetic tradition (strongly characteristic of the Westem
tradition) h d s a weak parallel in the Islamic tradition today lends credence to the
arguments of those who would link the decline of Islamic philosophy to the death of
Averroes. It should be noted, however, that what most Westem scholars mean by the end
of Islarnic philosophy in the twelfth century is actually Islamic philosophy in its technical
sense. As discussed earlier, Islamic philosophy in this sense is a philosophical mode of
thought which is mainly based on the works of Plato and Aristotle, and the doctrines of
"seyyed Hossein Nasr, "The Qur'En and m h as Source and Inspiration of Islamic
Philosophy,"in History ofkla~z21'Pc Mosophby, eds. S. H. Nasr and 0. Leaman (London: Routledge,
1996), 29.
52 See, among others, Izutsu: "Introduction," 1-18, and Creatin md the M e s s Order;
Corbin: Histom and En Ism fimieo; Nasr: The M . c hteiïectud Tradtion, 145-87; 'The
Meaning and Role of 'Philosophy' in Islam", "Ibn Simg's 'Oriental Philosophy'," and "Introduction
to the Mystical Tradition," in HIsoiyofIslarm'cPhilosop& eds. S. H. Nasr and 0. Leaman, 21-6,
247-5 1,3 67-73, respectively.
21
neo-Platonist phüosophers? Therefore, if one concedes that the characteristics and content
of Islamic philosophy have been greatly influenced by the conditions, issues, and cultures
of the past, then one must understand that the passage of time necessitates a readjustment
of subject-matter?4 Evidence of this readjustment has been shown to exist in the works of,
among others, Corbin, Nasr, and Izutsu. If one equates these readjustments with a
philosophic evolution or reformation, then the existence of Islamic philosophy cannot be
quest ioned?