MODERNISM AND THE CONTEXTUALIZATION OF ISLAMIC DOCTRINES: The Reform of Indonesian Islam Proposed by Nurcholish Madjid (2)

CHAI?TF,R I
NURCHOLISH MAD JID'S LIFE AND
INTELLECTUAL FORMATION
A. Early Life and Education.
Nurcholish Madjid was born on 17 March 1939/25 Mdprram 1 358 in a very small
village in South Jombang, East Java, by the name of Mojoanyar. Little is known about
Mojoanyar except for the fact that, according to a statement made by Madjid during an
interview,' it was one of the several villages in Java region to have the initial name "mojo"
meaning "satria" or "hero" or "gentle." In his youth, it was a rather exceptional town,
distinguished by its dynamic religious life and the importance accorded to education by its
inhabitants. Madjid compares the religious and educational importance of his village,
although on a smaller scale, to the "kota gadang" or '"big city" in West Sumatra? a region
which has traditionally been strong in religion and education. The residents of the village
were most commonly employed as government workers or were involved in the education
sector? Also, the region of Jombang, where Madjid's birthplace is located, has produced in
addition to secular schools a significant number of Islamic traditional boarding schools called
lNurcholish Madjid. ''Tmscript of an Inte~ew"do ne on June 30,1994 by Budhi Munawar
Rachmaa. Elza Peldi Thahir, and Wahyuni M. Nafi~sa, ll of whom an staff members of Yayasan
Paran?ad'ia. Henceforth entitled, "An Interview."
For more information about the nature of Mam in this region, see Burhanuddin Daya,
Gerahn Pernbuhanuzn Pemikiran Islam: K m Su rnatra Thawalib (Yogyakarta: Tiara Wacana.
1990). especially pp. 15-17.
' Madjid, "An lirtetview? p. 8.
"Fathimah, Chapter l, " 9
pesantrens, the existence of which has made Iombang and East Java as a whole a center of
the biggest pesantrens in Indonesia. The area is likewise reputed to be a center of Islamic
traditionalism and a stronghold of the N.U. (NaMatul Ulama) organization.' It has in fact
produced a considerable number of famous %lama' and other intellectuals who have
influenced the development of the Muslim community in Indonesia and who have become
prominent supporters of Islamic reform in the country. Madjid represents an excellent
example of this tradition?
The young Madjid was raised in a very religious environment within the SmnJ
tradition, with the ShSfiCi legal school and the Ashcari theological discipline." Both of his
parents came from families of devoted Muslims, i.e. "sanm' " families? His father's name
'See Robert W. Heher, "Islamizing Java: Religion and Politics in Rural East J a v ~ "in Journal
of Asian Studies, vol. 46, no. 3 (August 1987), p. 536.
'Some other examples that should be mentioned here are: HasyimAshcari (187 1-1947). Wahab
ChasbuIlah (1888-1971), Wahid Hasyim (LgL3-1953), Mukti Ali, A b d u r r m Wahid (b. 1940),
Emha Ainun Najib, etc. See Dawam Rahardjo, 'Dunia Pesantren cialam Peta Pembaharuan," in
Rahardjo (ed.), Pesantmn &n Pembaharuan (Jakarta: LP3ES, 1985), p. 27 and "Perkernbangan
Masyankat dalam Perspektif Pesantren," in Rahardjo (ed.), Perguiutan Dunia Pesantren:
Membangun don' Bmwh (Jaluuta. P3M. 1989, p. xii
In general, the Smnftradtion of al-Ash= and al-MEturidi and of the four legal schools
(madh&hib)w, hich is often grouped in the Ah1 u i - S mw a al-JamFa is followed by the majority
of Muslims in Indonesia. About this term and adiscussion on it, see Fachry AIi and Bahtiar Effendi,
MerOmbQh JalanBaru Ishm (Bandung: Mizan, 1986), pp. 186-19 1 andZamakhsari Dhofier, Trodisi
Pesantren: Studi Tentang Pandimgun Hidup Kiyai (Jakarta: WES, 1989, pp. 148-170. Cf. Howard
Federspiel, A Dictionary of Indonesian Islam (Atheos, Ohio: Ohio University Center for
International Studies, 1995). p. 10.
' Madjid himself uses the term "pesantren families," meaning families whose members grow
up in aprsannen and absorb its tradition. The term "santri" essentially mans a student studying
religion at the pesantren, but it was tnmsformd into a technical term by Clifford Geerk who used
it in reference to a sofio-religious group of Javanese Muslims who embrace Islam seriously and
practice the Islamic teachings without mixing them with local customs. See Word Geertz, Tha
Religion of I'u (London: h e Ress of GIenca, 1964), p. 5 and his Islam Observed: Religious
Devetopment in Morocco and Indonesia (Chicago: The University of Chicago Ress, 1971). pp. 65-
69; See also Jams Peacock, Indonesia: An Anthropologicat Perspective (Pacific Palisades:
Goodhear Publishing Co., 1973), pp. 24-31and Zaini Muchtarom, Sunzri don Abungcm di lmvo
"Fathimah, Chapter l, " 10
was originally Abu Thahir, but upon returning from the pilgrimage to Mecca, he changed it
to Abdul Madjid from which Nurcholish takes his family name. Abu Thahir was an
important 'am in N.U. circles and a kjai (religious teacher) who was very close to H.
Hasyim Ashcari,' the founder and prominent leader of the N.U. (1926-1947) and the
chainnan of the reformist organization. the Masyumi (19 45-1947), When Abu Thah~wa s
young, he attended Tebu Ireng, a famous pesantren in East Java where Kiyai AshCari was
the head and chief teacher? There, he received a thorough Islamic education. Before going
to Tebu Ireng, Abu Thahu, unlike most boys in his village, had already completed his
studies at the Sekolah Rakyat (S.R.),'O which was a primary secular school from the colonial
era which, in Mojoanyar, was sponsored by his own father , i.e. Madjid' s grandfather. Since
Abu Thahir had graduated from the S.R. and, therefore had learned more about the secular
sciences (al-culh aLclinma), he was asked at Tebu Inng to be a mentor and to teach both
arithmetic and roman script (h~mf lat in)I.t~ is~ im portant to note here that mostpesantrens
and modrasus at that time still prohibited teaching their students the roman script and other
branches of the secular sciences since they still considered them to be the sciences of the
(Jakarta: INIS, 1988), p. 15-16, a translation ofthe author's MA. thesis entitled "Santri and Abmgan
in Java," McGiIl University (1975).
Henceforth re- to as "Kiyai Ashcari".
During his leadership, Kiyai Ashcvi played a significant role in the educational reform at
Tebu keng pesantren. See Slamt Effendy Yusuf, M o h d Ic bwan Syam, and Masdar F.
Mastudi, Dirronika Kam S a r i (J- C.V. Rajawali. 1983). p. 5.
lo At that time, it was an extraordinary experience for ordinary people or "orang kampung" to
be able to graduate from the S.R.. whose enrolment was restricted primsdly to the children of the
rich and upper class Indonesians. For more information on this specific educational system and
regulation daring the colonial period, see Paul W. van der Veur, Educmion und Social Change in
Colonial Indonesia 0 (Athens, Ohio: Ohio University Center for International Studies, 1969).
" Madjid, "An Interview:' p. 8.
"Fathimah, Chapter I, " I I
non-believer (k@r) .u This mistaken idea is now rare among the 'ulamC' and the kjmais, with
the exception of a very few of the most orthodox.
During the course of his studies at this pesantren, Abu Thahir was fortunateU to
receive special attention and treatment fiom Kiyai Ashcari. It is a common phenomenon,
particularly in the pesantrens, that a santn* who shows great potential may have bestowed
upon him certain distinctions and honours by the kiyai. The latter may, for example, ask
him to marry a member of his family and appoint him to the staff of the pesantren, and
fmaIly, prepare him to lead his ownpesantren or madrasa."Thus, because of Abu Thahir's
academic achievement at Tebu Ireng. Kiyai AshCari asked him to accept a position on the
teaching staff at this institution." What is more, the fact that Abu Thahir's father was a dear
friend of Kiyai Ashcari and had a close personal relationship with him made the position of
la Cf. Madjid, "Menyambung Matarantai Pernikiran yang Hilang," in Madjid and Mobamad
Roem, Ti& A& Negam Islam: Surat-Swat Politik Nurcholish M a d j i d - M o h d Roem," Agus
Edi Santoso, ed. (Jakarta: Djambatan, 1997), p. 2 1.
l3 Fortunate because, according to the pesantren tradition, a kiyai is not only an Wirn who
possesses religious knowledge but is also regarded as a sort of waU who teaches farm and is able
to understand the glory of God and the secrets of the World in a mystical sense that gives him
spiritual charisma. Therefore. a blessing (bar&) fiom him is very important and has a significant
meaning for those who acquire it. There is also a belief that those who receive a blessing from a
kjai will lead a good life in the future. For more information about the role of the kiwi, see Dhofier,
Tradisi Pesuntren, pp. 55-60; Deliar Noer, Gerakan Moderen Islam di Indonesia 1900-1942
(Singapura: The Oxford University Press, I973), p. 11-12, and BJ. Boland, The Struggle of Islam
in Modem Indonesicr (The Hague: Nijhoff, 1982). pp. 114-1 15.
l4 Madjid, "An Interview," pp. 1-2. Cf. Man's remarks on this in his book, "Islamic
Modemism in Indonesian Politics: theMuha~unadiyahM ovement During the Dutch CoIoaiaI Period
(1 9 I2-I942)," Ph. D. dissertation, Ugivedty of Wisconsin, 1969, p. 129. A revised version of this
thesis is published under the title Muhammud&ah: The Political Behavior of a Muslim Modernist
Orgunization Under Dutch Colonialism (Yogyakarta: Oajah Mada University Ress, 1989). Also
Cf. Hiroko Horikoshi, "A Traditional Leader in a Time of Change: the Kijqji and nduma in West
Java," Ph. D. dissertation, University of IlIiaois (1976). Dhofier especially emphasizes that Kiyai
Ashcari also respected this tradition; see his Tmdii Pcrontren, pp. 59-60.
This is an important point to make since, as Madjid himself admits, this appointment allowed
for expanded possibilities in Abu Thahk's Life who later became an 'aim and kjai in his homeland.
"Fathimah, Chapter l. " I2
Abu Thahir even more special. It was not surprising, then, that Kiyai Ashcari asked him to
marry his own niece, Halimah.16 Abu Thahir accepted the Kiyai's offer and married
Halimah; however, not long after their marriage, Abu Thahir, for some reason, felt that she
was not the right woman for him and he asked Kiyai Ashc& to permit him to divorce her."
Kiyai AshCari was kind enough to look for another woman more suited toAbu Thahir and
he found Fathonah, a daughter of his other close friend, Abdullah Sadjad. It was Fathonah
who later became Madjid's mother."
As was the case with Madjid's father, Fathonah had also grown up in a pesantren
environment and came from a pious Muslim family. Madjid's account implies that she
played a significant role in helping Abu Thahir manage their own pesantren and even
participated in election campaigns as a Masyumi supporter? Her father was a businessman
from Gringging, in the western part of Kediri, East Java, who had grown rich in the sugar
l6 According to Madjid's account, Halimah was a distinguished wornan at that time in the sense
that she was very intelligent and, particularly, adept at memorizing the Qur'iin. Madjid, "An
Interview," p. 3.
" Madjid, "An Interview," p. 3. It is described that Halimah was afterward married by Kiyai
Adlm, a senior Eularnci' fiom the N.U. Since then, Halimah has played a role as a woman of Qai
or in Javanese, "Njlai" and appeared to be a respected and honoured woman who was regarded as
a "wa&yycr," or woman saint. In this context, Madjid tells the joke which Abdurrahman Wahid made
in response to the story of Madjid who was given a handkierchief by Nyai Halimab, his exstepmother,
which he was supposed to give to his father but for som reasons he kept it for himseIf.
Wahid's joke implied that it was because of the blessing or "baraka" fiom Halimah's hmdkierchief
that Madjid has now become a sllccessfal man. Madjid. "An Interview," pp. 6-7.
la Madjid, "An Interview," pp. 2-4. It seems that Kiyai Ashc& really c a d for Abu Thahir so
much that he was willing to choose a wife for him twice.
l9 h n ~ ~No~. 1k70,, ( I 1-24 January 1993); republished in Madjid, "Rindu Kehidupan Zaman
Ma@:' in Dialog Keterbuhm: ArtrrtrkuIasiNiIai&IatnW acanu Sosiaf Politik Kontemporer, Edy
A. Effendi, ad. (Jakruta: Paramadim, 1998), p. 212. See also Madjid, "Saya Talc Rela Peran Pak
Nawir Dikikan," in Madjid and Roem, TidokAlo Negara Islom, pp. 67-68.
"Fathimah, Chapter I," 13
cane industry. He was also involved in the Syarikat Dagang Islam (S.D.IJ2* as a
commissioner.
Abu Thahir had four children by Fathonah, of whom Madjid is the oldest. When
Madjid was born, Abu Thahir was already 31 years old and had been married to Fathonah
for a year. As the first son, and because he was born when his father was already older than
was customary for fatherhood, Madjid became the center of love and happiness for both Abu
Thahir and Fathonah. This fact to a great extent influenced the way in which they raised
Madjid."
Another interesting factor related to Madjid's religious and cultural background is
the fact that he grew up in a somewhat different Javanese cultun. Unlike most regions of
Java, where Islam is well known for its relatively syncretic and heterodox nature and where
abangm Muslims for the most part pred~minate,J~om bang, where Madjid grew up, is in
The Syarikat Dagang Islam (S9.1.) is an Islamic trade association established in 1905 by K.
H. Samaahudi, later changing its name to S yarikat Islam (S .I.) in 19 12 under the leadership of H.0 .S .
Tjoicroarninoto. On this organization, see Muhammad Abd. Gani, Cita Dasar don Pola Perjuangan
Syarikrrt Islam (Jakarta: Bulm Bintang, 1984); George McTuman Kahin, Nationnlism and
Revolution in Indonesia (Ithaca: Come11 University Press, 1952), pp. 61-70; Robert van Niel, ''The
Course of Indonesian History," in Ruth T. McVey (ed.), Indonesia (New Haven: HRAF Press,
1963), pp. 293-295; and Noer, GerruCM Moderen Islam, pp. 1 14-170.
*' Madjid. "An Interview." p. 4.
ar Although generally speaking Islam in Java has been strongly coloured by Javanese culture
and Hiadu-Buddhist tradition, there an some places where this generalization cannot be applied,
particulatly some locations in Northern Java. This phenomenon can be explained in term of, first
of all, the gene& character of its people. who are traditionally more straightforward and open than
those who live in the interiorregims. Secondly, these were regions where the authority of Hindu and
Buddhist den was relatively weak and, therefore. was much less influenced by their cultural
traditions. Conseqpently, IsIam was stronger in these exceptiond regions and was able to penetrate
into the social life of the suntri c o d t y . Jombaag is among these regions. See Julia D. Howell,
'%Indonesia: Searching for Consensus," in Carlo Cddarola (ed.), Religiorw rmd Societies: Asia and
the Midma Eost (Bedin, New York. Amsterdam= Mouton Publishers, 1982). p. 518. Cf. M.C.
Rickiefs. 'Tslamization in Java: An Overview and Some Philosophical Considerations," in Raphael
Israeli and Anthony H. Johns. (eds.). Islam in Asia, vol. II (Jerusalem: The Magnes Ress, The
"Fathimah, Chapter I," I4
an area of East Java where orthodox Islam is particdarly strong and where the majority of
the people are suntri Muslims.
There is not enough evidence, however, to accurately evaluate the position of
Madjid's family within the social structure of the village at the time of Madjid's birth. All
that can be said is that Madjid was born into a family that had a clear identity and a
considerable amount of religious prestige and occupational distinction. The family had
definite economic and educational privileges. His parents had their own madrasa (Islamic
school) where Madjid later received his elementary education.
Madjid's recollections of his childhood center on a single theme: a determining
process through which his education was shaped. He records the process as a series of
episodes marking decisive turning points in his early education. What is most interesting and
valuable about his description is the fact that, not only does he tell us what happened, but he
often attempts to recreate the process by which he arrived at certain decisions, exploring his
motives and underlying reasons.
Madjid received his primary education at aI-Madrasah al-Ibtidii' iyyah al-Wapniyyah
in Mojoanyar, which was operated by his own parents and where every afternoon he studied
religious sciences (aLculriin al-dkinu). At this madtasa, Madjid acquired at a very early
age a basic knowledge of Islamic subjects such as al-Qur'ik, al-HadFth, fiqlr, 'aq* and
several other branches of the Islamic sciences, in addition to the Arabic language. However,
besides attending this mdrusa, every morning Madjid attended a secular elementary school
called the S.R., where he learned the secular sciences. This course of study Iasted for six
Hebrew University, 1984). p. 12.
"Fathimah. Chapter l, " IS
years, ending in 1953. Afterwards, he attended the pesantren Darul Wum at Rejoso for
two During his stay at this pesantren, Madjid received more in-depth instruction in
the Islamic sciences, such as Qur'iin recitation and exegesis, al-Hadah (tradition of the
Prophet), 'ilm al-kalam (theology), 'ilm al-mantiq (logic), Wm al-akhkiQ (ethics), tasawwuf
(mysticism), will at-fiqh (Islamic jurisprudence), and, above all, the Arabic language.
According to Madjid's own report, the reason why his father sent him to Rejoso and not to
Tebu Ireng, his father's a h am ater and once the most famous and modern pesun~enin the
region, was that the latter had lost its prestige after the death of its eminent leaders Kiyai
Hasyim Ashcari in 1947 and Kiyai Wahid Hasyim, the son of Kiyai Asheari and the father of
Abdwahman Wihid, in 1953. It seems that the reputation of Tebu Ireng had been transferred
to Rejoso particularly because the latter had, at that time, begun to introduce a more
progressive system wherein the school is divided into separate classes, a system originally
introduced by the colonial authorities. Furthermore, it had also begun to teach more seriously
the secular sciences, such as mathematics and physics, in addition to the religious sciencesou
It was in 1955, when the political atmosphere in Indonesia was becoming more and
more heated with the campaign for the first general election, that politics began to
colour every aspect of the peopIesY Lives, including those in the pesantrens. By this time,
the NoU* had become a separate political party after declaring its withdrawal from the
Novianto, ‘Nee-Modemisme IdamIndonesia: Studi Tentang Gagasan-Gagasan Pembahanuln
Pemikiran IsIam Nmholish Madjid,"under-graduate thesis at LA.I.N. Syarif HidayatuIIah Jakaaa.
1993, p. 16.
"M Madjid, "An Inte~ew))p.) 9. Cf. Dhofier, Tmdii Pesuntren, pp. 41-42.
"Fat himah, Chapter l, " 16
Masyumi party in 1952.U This political situation created difficulties for the N.U. 'ularnif',
including Abu Thahir, Madjid's father. He had to choose which party they should vote for
since both of them were supporters of the Muslim parties. While most of the N.U. culamd'
fiom all provinces made a dear decision to follow what had been decided at the 19th N.U.
Muktamar on 1 May 1952, i.e. to support the N.U. in the elections, Abu Thahir chose to
remain a Masyumi supporter. This was a radical position for Abu Thahir to adopt, inasmuch
as he was a kiyai and also an important figure among the N.U. leaders. This decision,
however, shows his distinctive personality in the sense that he had his own integrity and
perspective, and was brave enough to express an opinion different from the majority of the
N.U. culaml' and was willing to face all the consequences. Then seems to have been no
other reason for his decision to remain a member of the Masyumi than the fact that he held
the same political aspirations as did the Masyumi. Although Abu Thahir was not directly
involved in practical politics. he felt obliged to vote for the political party that best reflected
his views. Given the circumstances, he believed that it was in Muslims' best interest to vote
for the Masyumi at that time. Besides, Kiyai AshCarih ad issued a '~afwi"th at the Masyumi
The Masyumi party was a more modemistoriented Muslim political party, established in
November 1945 with the main purpose of uniting all Muslim organizations and to speak in the name
of the Muslim community, until it was dissolved in 1960 by the Old Order regime. As many authors
point out, the withdrawal of the N.U. was disputabie; the N.U. side said that the reason for this
withdrawal was that they could no longer realize and develop their activities and ideas since all the
decisions and program were based not on the religious principles, which they were used to, but
rather on the political considerations. While on the Masyumi side, of which were some N.U. 'uiamd
themselves, argued that it was not true that their policy was not based on religious considerations;
and that in fact the withdrawal was politically motivated. For this, see Muhammad Aeari, 'The
Rise of the Masjumi Party in Indonesia and the Role of the czihmf in Its Early Development (1945-
1952) ," MA. thesis, McGill University, 1976, pp. 130-1 32 and Herbert Feith, The Wihpo Cabinet.
1952-1953rA TmingP oint in Post-Revolutio~u~Irrryc ionesia, Modem Indonesia Project, Southeast
Asia Program (Ithaca: N.Y.: Cornell University, 1958). p. 39.
'%athimah, Chapter l, " 17
was the only valid Muslim political party and, therefore, all Muslims should vote for it.*
Nevertheless, the fact that an N.U. chose to demonstrate his support for the
Masyumi at that time was highly unusual, and, therefore, constitutes an interesting point in
the history of Abu Thahir's Me. His decision can be seen as an indication of polarization in
his outlook between two different schools of thought, the N.U. which has long been regarded
as traditionalist, on the one hand, and the Masyumi which was representative of the
modernist position on the other.
This political dilemma also had an impact on Madjid, at that time still a student at the
pesantren, and it clearly made things for him. The pesantrens were (and s t . are)
the loci of N.U. influence and aspirations. Rejoso was no exception; the vast majority of the
staff and students there were N.U. supporters. Since most of the kjlais wen friends of
Madjid's father and knew about the latter's affiliation with the Masyumi, Madjid's presence
at this pesantren was made quite uncomfortable, so much so that Madjid decided to
discontinue his studies there? In his own account. he describes his treatment in class at the
hands of the kjais: how they always made fun of him and laughed at him, calling him the
"stray Masyumi child" or "anuk Masyumi kesasar." Therefore, when Madjid came home
for vacation after finishing his second year, he told his father that he did not want to return
" It is also important to remember that Kiyai Ashcari died beforr the split in the Masyumi party
occurred resulting in the N.U.'s separation from the Masyumi. Madjid "An Interview," p. 8. This
can also mean that if Kiyai AshC& was still alive when the Masyumi and the N.U. wen separated,
he might not have given such a f-6 or he might have abrogated the fmwi
Madjid, "An Inte~ew, "p . 9; see also Ali and Effendy, Merambah Jalon Baru IsI' p. 176.
However. Madjid notes that in its later development or at the beginning the 1970s. Rejoso no longer
became the absolute political supporter of the N.U. with the consequence of loosing its pattonage
fbrnt he N.U. See his Bilik-Bitik Pesan~enS: ebuah Potret Pe@dimm (Jakarta= Paramadina, 1993,
pp. 79-84.
"Fathimah, Chapter I," . I8
to Rejoso or continue his studies there unless his father chose to give his complete loyalty
to the N.U. and sever his affiliation with the Masyumi, which at that time clearly had a
different paradigm with respect to the current situation of political Islam. Given the
circumstances, Abu Thahir feIt obliged to tell Madjid his reasons, as stated above, for
supporting the Masyumi party. He also reminded Madjid that although politically he
followed the Masyurni path, in religious ritual and ceremony he was still committed to the
N.U. tradition. Madjid remembers Abu Thahir expressing this as: "Your father, nonetheless
is still the student of the ~ r a t u s hsh aykh; only in political matters do I follow the
Masyumi'? However, Abu Thahir accepted Madjid's decision not to return to Rejoso
since, in the aftermath of the N.U. withdrawal from the Masyumi party, there was increasing
enmity between Madjid's father and the N.U. leadership. Moreover, he was becoming
increasingly closer to the Masyumi leaders?
Again, an effort was made to try to find a pesantren that suited the young Madjid.
Finally, his father decided to send him to the Kulliyyat al-Mucallimin al-IsIWiyyah (ICM.1.)
at the Pondok Modern Darussalam Gontor in Ponorogo, East Java since at the time this
pesmen had the reputation of being strongly oriented towards the Masyumi. Madjid's long
memoir on his experience at this pesantrm indicates that it was an important tuming point
in his early education. It was at Gontor that Madjid became acquainted with modem Islamic
The honorific &~&atrrsh siraykh was a titIe given to Kiyai Ashcari. See Madjid, "An
Inte~ew,"pp . 10-1 1a nd 'Menyambung Matarantai Pemildran yang Hilang," in Madjid and Roem,
Ti& A& Negara tslarn. p. 37. See also Dhofier, Tradisi Pesuntren, p. 63.
29 M. SyafiT Anwar, "Pemikiran Politik Nurcholish MadjiQ" an unpublished paper, p. I.
"Fathimah, Chapter I, " 19
thought. Gontor, since its e~tablishment,h~as~ always been regarded as a "real modern"
pesantren in the sense that it applies a professional and modern system, not only in the
curriculum, but also in its administration and management. Its strong modem characteristics
have made it distinct from otherpesantrcns; a fact that has led to reaction and criticism from
the traditional 'ulama" who accused it of being a "pesantrm bidCuh"?l Based on his
experiences, Madjid discloses that unlike most pesantrens, at Gontor, students from the
same ethnic group were not allowed to stay together in the same room in order to avoid
potential conflicts between the sanm*s. While otherpesantrens still insist that certain aspects
of a modem life-style, like playing music, are harh, Gontor has shown itself to be far more
flexible in the sense that it not only permits the students to play sports and music, but also
provides them with sports facilities and musical instruments, such as guitars, pianos, drums,
and other kinds of modem equipment. The pesantren also offers modem health care at its
polyclinic. What is more, Gontor also allows its sanrn's to wear trousers, while others still
forbade it, obliging them to wear the "sarong" or male skirt?
What is most distinctive and renowned about Gontor, however, is its strong
Madjid's account mentions that the founder of this pesantren, Kiyai H. Ahmad Sahd, was
a suntri Muslim from a priyuyi family, and therefore had the chance to attend H.I.S. (Hollandsch-
Inlandsche School), a Dutch primary school which taught using modern educational curriculum. This
Western educational background of Kiyai Sabal didundoubtedy inspire him toward the elaboration
and operation of his own pesantren. Madjid also reveaIs that the word "modem" attached to the
n a m of this pesantren was initially given by a priest ftom Madiun, East Java, who was very
impressed with the revolutionary changes promoted by this pesantren. However, Madjid himself
has doubts whether Gontor still deserves to be called a modem pesantren. Madjid, "An Interview,"
pp. 13-14.
31 Cf. Man. "TsIamic Modernism," p. 126128. Boland, The Struggle of Islam, p. 122.
" Madjid, "An hte~ew,"p. 12 Cf. Greg Barton, 4'Neo-Modemism: A Vital Synthesis of
TraditionaIist andModemist hIamic Thought in hdonesi&" in CRwnul Qur'an, VoI. 2, No. 3 (1995),
note. 17, p. 67.
"Fathintah, Chapter l, " 20
disciplineU in the learning process and other daily activities, but most especially in language
training. Because of this, no one can deny the fact that Gontor has been the most succesful
pesantren in producing students with a good command not only of Arabic, but also of
~ n g l i s hT. ~o this point, the regular pesanhms had only taught Arabic, while the secular
schools had only taught English. Madjid, for example, before be graduated from Gontor,
modem Arabic newspapers.
him to correspond in English
acquired the ability to read classical Arabic literature and
Similarly, his command of English was good enough to allow
33 Madjid remarks that this discipline was sometimes too strong, and made Gontor a modem,
but authoritarian school with Army style training. The kiyai was like Stalin whose words could not
be argued with and the sunrris were forced to follow their daily schedule and were punished if they
broke it without good reason. Although Madjid admits that because of this, Gontor has been very
effective in meeting its goals and its alumni have been potential candidates for positions of Culuml'
and kiyais, this strong discipline could be viewed as a weakness in terms of creating democratic
environment, since it sometimes could kill creativity and criticism in the students. See Madjid, "An
Intemew," p. 15. This phenomena, however, is not solely of Gontor, but of the general pesuntren's
tradition. See his Bilik-Bilik Pestwren, pp. 6-7 and 95.
It is important to note here that the original plan drawn up by Kiyai Ahrnad Sahd was that
the Pondok Modem Gontor Darussdam was simply designed to produce sonnis with the capability
of speaking and understanding both Arabic and English. This design was drawn based on the fact
that Indonesian Muslim intellectuals and CulamB' suffered from their ignorance of these two
languages. According to Ali Saifullah HA., Gontor's establishment can be traced back to 1926
when the Muktumczr Aiam Islomi of Indonesia, a federal organization of Mush movements, held
a meeting to choose an Indonesian delegation for an international congress of Mdumar A h
Islami in Mecca. The meeting encountered difficulty in finding a suitable candidate who could meet
the requirement of knowing both Arabic and English. The committee then decided to send two
delegates, H.O.S. Cokroamhoto, who knew only English, and KH. Mas Mansur, who knew only
Arabic. So, Kiyai Sahal who attended the congress decided to found the Goutor pesmtren to meet
this need. But, at that time, Riyai Sabal bad not yet conceived of modem schooling until he sent his
younger brother Kiyai Zarkasyi to study at Sekolah Normal Islam in Padan& West Sumatra, where
Kiyai H. Mahmud Yunus, the first hdonesian to graduate from Diir alallJ1amin Cairo, was the head
of the school. The Sekolah Normal Islam constituted the center of Islamic education m Indonesia and
its students came h m all over the country. When Kiyai Zarkasyi retamed from Padang, he was
asked to apply its teaching system to Gontor. See Madjid "An h t e ~ ew, "pp . 14-15 and 17 and Ali
SaifbIlah HA.. "Daarussalaam, Pondok Modem Gontor," in Rahardjo (a)P,e santren dan
Pembahrtmn. p. 135. Cf. Endaag Basri Ananda (ed.), 70 Tuhm Prof. Dr. H.M. Rasjidi (Jakar~~
Harian Pelita, 1985). p. 19. See aIso Kate1 Stcenbrink, Pesmtren, Mudrasa, Sckoloh. Pendidikon
Ishmdolrun Kum Modem(Jakarta: LP3ES. 1987) andLanceCastIes, "Notes on the Islamic School
at Gontor," in Indonesia, no. 1 (April. 1966). pp. 30-45.
"Fathimah. Chapter l, " ZI
with the foreign embassies in Indonesia?' All of these skills were made possible because
during his stay at Gontor, Madjid was allowed to speak either Arabic or English, never
Indonesian and especially not Javanese, his own mother tongue. Thus, when he graduated
fiom this pesuntren in 1960, it was not surprising that Madjid was not only well acquainted
with traditional and classical Islamic literature, but had also acquired the leadership and
language training necessary to fit him for the twentieth century.
Madjid also encountered certain peculiarities in the daily prayer ceremonies at
Gontor. In order to give the santris an opportunity to practice to become an i m h (prayer
leader). the kiyais did not take on the role of the i m h at daily prayers like at most
pesantrens, but usually restricted themselves to preaching at the Friday ceremony or during
Ram$& prayers (tar&@). Instead, this duty went to the older or more senior santds. This
practice was very different for the santris, particularly for Madjid himself, who had gotten
used to praying behind the great kiyais and listening to their short speeches (hikma words)
given after prayer. For Madjid, who at that time was sixteen, the older tradition brought with
it certain spiritual insights that allowed him to feel the sacred dimension of the religious
rites.%G ontor did not have this tradition, but, as Madjid states, Gontor's emphasis was on
developing the intellectual aspect of religion, in contrast with most otherpesmtrens which
usualIy placed emphasis merely on the spiritual aspects of religion?" Nonetheless, this
experience was of great benefit to Madjid who later grew up to become a prominent Mush
'' Madjid, "An Inte~ew,"p. 18.
This peculiarity is evident in the fact that the pesmtren has traditionally been a center fkom
which sJI beliefs have spread. See Madjid, 'Tasauf dan Pesantren," in Rahardjo (ed.), Pes~tren
dmr Pembahurucuc, p. 104.
"S ee Madjid "An Inte~ew,''p p. 16-17.
"Fathimah, Chapter I, " 22
intellectual.
According to one account of his life, Madjid, while still at the pesantrens, showed
significant leadership skills and intellectual talent, which many felt he had inherited from his
father. This is evident from the fact that he was always among the top students in class and
outside of it as well. When he was at the Madrasah al-Wataniyyah, his father, who was the
director of the school as well as his kiyai (teacher), always felt uncomfortable when the time
came to give awards to the outstanding students, for he had to give the same awards each
year to his own son. Another account which is giwn by H. Abdul Wahid Zaini, Madjid's
cousin and classmate from elementary school until his graduation from Gontor, provides
witness to his educational development in stating that Madjid was a talented and smart child
who always got high marks in class.%
Finally, it is important to point out here what Fachry Ali and Bahtiar Effendy tell us
in their book about the significance of Madjid's early life and education with regard to the
development of his personality and way of Me. They believe that, aside fiom the influence
of Fazlur Rahman on his later development, it was the blend of the two different educational
patterns, the traditional Rejoso and the modem Gontor, that created the foundations for
Madjid's rise as a neo-modernist W e r ? '
B. Madjid's Involvement in the Islamic Renewal Movement.
Having graduated fiom Gontor in 1960, Madjid attended another school for Islamic
studies in Ciputat, Jakarta, namely the State Institute of Is1am.i~St udies (LA.LN.) Syarif
"Dr. N~f~holishMacijidi.n" M edia Indonesia, March 28.1993. p3, cited by Novianto, "Neo-
Modernisme Iclanf p. 19. See also Anwar, "Pemikiran Politik Nurcholish Madjid," p. 1.
39 Ali and Effendy, Memmbah J u h Barn 1slam, p. 176.
"Fathimah, Chapter 4 " 23
Hidayatullah, where he punued studies at the undergraduate level, receiving his degree in
1968. At this institution, he broadened his knowledge of Islam and studied Islamic history
and Arabic literature in more depth at the faculty of a&. He finished by writing an
undergraduate or doctorandus thesis entitled "The Qur' k: Arab in Its Wording, Universal
in Its Meaning?" During his period of study at the I.A.I.N., Madjid was actively involved
in many student activities. This was the beginning of his involvement in the debate over the
socio-political and religious problems facing the country. It was in 1963, two years after
beginning his studies at the I.A.I.N., that Madjid joined the H.M.I. (Muslim Students
Association), the largest and the most influential student organization in Indonesia."
Apparently, Madjid's attendance at the LA.1.N. and his involvement in the H.M.I!2 marked
" Karel Steenbrink, "Nurcholish Madjid and Inclusive Islamic Faith in Indonesia," in GC
SpeeIman, ed., MusIimsand Christians in Europe. Breaking Ncw Groundc Essays in Honour of Jan
Slomp (Kampen: Kok, 1993), p. 31.
Madjid, "Tbe Issue of Modernization among Muslims in Indonesia: from a Participant's
Point of View," in Abmad Ibrahim, S hamn Siddique, Yasrnin Hussain, (eds.), Readings on Islam in
Southeast Asia (Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies, 1989, p. 379. This article was
previously published in Gloria Davis, Who& is Modem Indonesian Culmre? (Athens, Ohio: Ohio
University Center for International Studies Southeast Asia Program. 1979), pp. 143-155. It has also
been published in an Indonesian version under the title Isyu Modernismi di Kalungm Muslim
Indonesia: Pahngan Seorang Partiripan (Jakarta: LAPMI H.M..?. Cabang Ciputat and Formaci,
1988). In this article, Madjid describes that part of his career which show his personal involvement
with the HMI md the issue of modernization among Muslims in Indonesia, falling for the most part
within the first decade of the New Order period.
The HMI, since its establishment in 1947, has declared itself to be a reformist organization
of young Muslim inteUectuals having an independent and Liberal character and committed to the
reformation of Islamic thought and the promotion of democracy, fkedom of speech, and critical
thought. Many of its ex-members have risen to prominence as Muslim leaders both at the national
and international levels. For more information on the history of the H.ML and its role in the
national development and inteIlectual discourse of the Muslim commnity in Indonesia, see Victor
Immanutl Tanja, tlMI: Sejarah don Kedudukannya di Tengrrh Gerakan-Gerh Pembclhcrm di
Indonesia (Jakarta: Pustaka S kHa rapan, 199I ), transIated by Hemi from the author's Ph. D.
dissertation 'TIMI, MusIimStudents Association: h History and Its PIace among MuslimReformist
Movemnts in Indonesia," Hartford Seminary Foundation, 1979. See also Agussalim Sitompd,
Pemikiran HMJ. dm Rclevunsiirya dengun Sejorah Pejuangm Bangsa Indonesia (Jakarta:
htepritaDinamilraRess, 1986) a d his Historiograf Himpmn Mahasiswu Isiam Tdtut 1947-1993
"Fathimah, Chapter 1. " 24
the beginning of his intellectual formation and a long career of stirring Muslims to undertake
reform and adapt Islam to Indonesian needs. His career as a student activist reached a climax
when he was appointed president of the H.M.1. in 1967. This appointment was an historic
one for the H.M.I. in that Madjid was the first president to have had a formal Islamic
educational background.& Also. when he was elected again for a second term, from 1969
to 1971, he was the first president to have been thus honoured. This honour was made
possible due to the fact that he had won much support not only &om the members of the
H.M.I. but also from the leaders of various Muslim organizations. The Masyurni leaders in
particular, with whom the HM.1 had had a bad relationship in the past, considered the
appointment of Madjid as a sign of a new hope for reconciliation between the H.M.I. and the
Masyumi leaders.
Madjid writes that the conflict between the two organizations, which had its embryo
in the very establishment of the H.M.I.,u was a conflict between the older and the younger
generations and created aserious gap between them. The primary sources of the conflict were
two: the idea of the so-called Islamic stateU or Islamic ideology, and the "unbending
(Jakarta: Intermasa, 1995).
43 This is important to emphasize because of the fact that although H.M.I. is a Muslim students
organization and although many of its members have been graduates of the Islamic institutions or
uaiversities, none of its presidents were ever eleeted from their ranks. AD the presidents before
Madjid had been Muslim students educated in secular or non-Islamic universities.
" As Madjid himself explains, due to issues of unity, the Masyami leaders initially did not
agree with the idea of building a new Muslim youth organization, including the HMI since they
wanted to have only one organization for the Muslim youth, the GSU. (Indonesian Muslim Youth
Movement). See Madjid, "The h e of Modernization," p. 381.
"For a comprehension account on Masyumi's theory pertaining to the Islamic state, see Ham
Nasution. "The Islamic State in Indonesia: the Rise of the Ideology, the Movement for its Creation
and the Theory of the Masyumi," MA. thesis, McGill University, Montnal(1965).
"Fathimoh, Chapter l, " 25
attitude of the Masyumi towards practical political problems.'46 In 1953, for example, the
H.M.L, whose president at that time was Dahlan Ranuwihardja, held a meeting to address
the question of whether Indonesia should become an Islamic state or a nation state. The result
of the meeting was that the H.M.I. officially declared its support for the concept of a nation
state." This resolution, of course, surprised the Masyumi leaders who had counted on the
support of the HMJ. as one of the member organizations of the Masyurni party? This
conflict, interestingly, continued even after the banning of the Masyumi party by Soekarno
in 1960. Madjid records that in 1963, there was another great debate between the leaders of
the Masyumi and the H.ML regarding the latter's strategy of accommodating the
government's policies of bbrevoiutionism" and ''mmanifesto" simply for the sake of the
organization's sunrival. The Masyumi accused the H.M.I.of being hypocritical since, in their
eyes, such an attitude amounted to sacrificing Islamic principles for the sake of political
advantage. They believed that as Muslims they had to fight against policies which were
contrary to Islamic doctrine, even if they had to die for it.
Thus, when Madjid, possessing the credentials of a traditional Islamic education and
a family loyal to the Masyumi, took over the presidency of the HMJ., the Masyumi leaders
saw this event as promising a change in the political orientation of the student body. They
also expected that they could cooperate with Madjid in the realization of their vision? which
- .-
a Madjid, 'The Issue of Modernization," p. 385.
" Madjid. "The Issue of Modernization," p. 38 1.See also, Sudirman Tebba, "Ormas Islam dan
Dilemma Pembahman," in Muntaha Azhari and Abdd Mud im SaIch {cds.), Islam Inrionesia
Me ~ t aMp asu Depatt ( J a k a r k nM,1 989). p. 233.
See note 25, supm.
49 Madjid, 'The bsue of Modernization," p. 382. See also Sitompd, Historiioguj'i, p.110
"Fathimah, Chapter l, " 26
seemed virtually utopian after the outlawing of their party in 1960. A change of direction
was also strongly desired by elements within the H.M.I., a factor which must have
contributed to Madjid's succesN bid for leadership?' In other words, it is not an
exaggeration to say that many people were grateful for the designation of Madjid as the head
of the H.M.I.
As far as relations with Masyumi were concerned, Madjid, in his capacity as
president, appeared to have tried very hard at least to reduce the existing tensions between
the conflicting organizations and to put Masyumi ideas onto the HM.1. agendas. However,
leading a young inteUectuals'organization during a ,%nod of political uncertainty for the
country was not an easy task. It was a period of transition from the Old to the New Order.
The Islamic political groups and the Muslim community in general, both the traditionalists
and the modernists, but primarily the younger activists within organizations such as the
H.MI, basically supported the leadership of the New Order. Having fought against the
Communist party together with Army and brought about the fall of the Soekarno regime,
they believed that with the emergence of the New Order, Islam would have new hope and an
opportunity to play a major role in the government. The Masyumi leaders, who had been very
consistent and determined opponents of the Communists for many years and had sacred
considerably from denunciations and insults in the government-controlled press, had high
expectations that their party, which had been dissolved by Soekamo, would be
"E . SaifuddinA nshari, KritikAtos Faham&n Gerakan ~embuhruunDm .~ urcholisMh a d
(Bandung: Blllan Sabit, I973), pp. 3 1-34 and Sitompni, Histon'ogrrqf pp. l27-130.
"Fathimah, Chapter 1, " 27
rehabilitated?'
At first, in an effort to accommodate the Masyumi and trying to support their ideas.
Madjid joined other Muslim leaders in attempting to realise the party's goal? However,
Madjid and his colleagues at the H.M.1 soon became aware of the political situation in the
country and how it would be impossible to insist on Masyumi's rehabilitation with the
go~emment.T~h e alternative suggested by Masyumi supporters was to recreate the
Masyumi party under a new name. Madjid stresses, in his account, that it was during the
process of finding an appropriate solution to this problem that he began to encounter certain
difficulties in dealing with the Masyumi leaders. Part of the difficulty, as Madjid points out,
was that they suffered from 'inflexibility', 'dogmatism', and 'impractical considerations'.
That the Masyumi leaders could not accept the idea of creating a new party, although it
would essentially have had the same characteristics as the old Masyumi,
insisting on rebuilding the old organization, was but one example of
but instead kept
their inflexible,
" A detailed account of the =habilitation of the Masyumi party can be found in Ken Ward. The
Foundation of the Pami Muslimin Indonesia (Ithaca: Modem Indonesia Project, 1970) and in Wan
A. Samson, '?slam in Indonesian Politics," Asian Survey, no. 12 (December, 1968), pp. 1001-1017;
see also, idem, "Indonesian Islam Since the New Order:' in Readings on Islam in Southeast Asia,
pp. 165-170.
Madjid. 'The issue of Modemization." p. 382. One record mentions that in early December
1965, a federation called Badan Koordinasi AmaI Muslimin consisting of sixteen organizations that
had been associated with the MasyuIIli set up acomdttee to explore ways ofrehabiiitating the party.
See Anthony & Jobs. "~donesia: Islam and Cultural Pluralism," in fslm in Asia: Religion,
Polin'cs, and Socie@ (Oxford: Oxford University Ress. 1987). p. 215.
a Madjid, 'The Issue of Modernization,'' p. 382 and Sitompd, Kinoriograji, p. 130. One
reason why the New Order government, in which the Army has been very dominant, refused to
rehabilitate the Mas@ party, is because they were traumatized by the fact that the party, aIthough
not officially in support ofthe rebellions, was involved in the revolts of the D.I.T.I.I. @&d-Isb
Indonesian Islamic Armed Forces) and the PXXL (Revolutionary Govemnent of the Republic of
Indonesia) against the central government See Samson, "Islam in Indonesian Politics." p. 1005;
Boland, Thc Struggle of lsfiam, p. 51.
"Fathimah, Chapter I, " 28
unrealistic and impractical attitude. When they finally accepted the idea and formed the
Partai Muslimin Indonesia (Parmusi) in 1968, they had already lost too much time and
momentum. Besides, the Army was unable to resist controlling the party, even to the extent
of determining its leadership by declaring ineligible the former heads of Masyumi whom they
considered to be 'fundamentalists' ." This bitter experience was later to influence Madjid's
attitude towards Islamic political parties.
It is important to note here that Madjid appears to have been sincere in wanting to
participate in the efforts at finding a way to rehabilitate Masyumi. In fact, he believed that
ever since the N.U.'s withdrawal in 1952, the Masyumi was the only Muslim party capable
of providing a political vehicle for the reformist organizations, even though it had shown its
reactioaary side in supporting the idea of an Islamic state, particularly during the
Constitutional period (1956-1959)P However, by the beginning of the New Order period,
there were only three Islamic political parties still surviving: the N.U.. the P.S.S.I., and the
Perti (Persatuan Tarbiyah Islamiyah); the Masyumi had been banned in 1960. Madjid and the
other leaders of modemist groups saw the need for a political party Like the Masyumi
through which they could chaaoei their aspirations? Madjid's good faith was also shown
Madjid, "The Issue of Modernization," p. 383. See also his article, "Idam in Indonesia:
ChaUenges and Opportunities," in Cyriac K. PullapilIy (ed.), Islam in the Contemporary World
(Notre Dame. Indiana: Cross Roads Books, 1980), p. 345 and Yusril Ihza Mahendra, 'Combining
Activism and IntelIectualism: the Biography of Mohammad Natsir (19084993):' Studia Islamika,
vol. 2, no. 1 (1995), pp. 103404.
ss For more information on this period, see Adoan Buyung Nasution, The Aspiration fur
Com*tutioruitG ovemment in Indonesia: A Sociu-legalS nrdy of the indonesian Kon~h*tucutt1e9 56-
1959 (Jakarta: Pustaka Sinar Harapan, 1992).
s6 See M. Sbjuddin Syamsnddh. "Religion and Politics in Islam: The Case of Muhammndiyah
in Indonesia's New Order," Ph. D. disseftation, University of ClalifomiaLos Angels (1991), p. 69;
and Samson, 'Islam in Indonesian Politics," p. 1006. It is dso said that with the banning of the
Masymni, the intellectual spirit that it brought cons#loentIy declined
"Fathimah, Chapter l, " 29
in his respect for the older Masyumi leaders, the most prominent of whom was Mohammad
Natsir (1908-1993)? He regarded them as "the people who have successfully combined
the best elements of the two world-views: Islam and Westernization; or more safely,
modernization," through which they "still serve as our [the HM.L's] inspiration."" Besides,
compared to other Muslim political parties. particularly the N.U., the H.M.L had perhaps the
most in common with Masyumi in terms of its approach to Islam and contemporary
problem^.^ Perhaps, it was for this very reason that people at that time often described the
members of the HM.1. as the 'natural heirs' to the Masyumi* However, this perception had
little significance until Madjid's arrival on the scene at the HML, where his strong
personality and his broad knowledge of Islam earned him the title 'Natsir Muda' or 'Young
Mohammad Natsir was ao Indonesian politician, author, C&?im, and spiritual leader of the
Indonesian Muslim modemists who was the head of Yayasan Dewan Dakwah Islamiyah hdoaesia
(DDQ. He was a prominent leader of the Masyumi pw and was associated with the stmggling
efforts of the Islamic factions in the Constituent Assembly to apply Islam as the basic ideology of
the state and with thenvolt against the Sakarno regime in 1958. For more information about Natsir,
see Xlmudin Ma-mu, "Abd ACla Mawdiidi's and Mohammad Natsir's Views on Statehood: A
Comparative Study," MA. thesis, McGill University, 1995; and Yusril Ihza, "Combining Activism
and Intellectualism," pp. 11 1-147.
* Madjid. 'The Issue of Modernization." p. 385.
" Madjid, "Suatu Tatitpan Islam terhadap Masa Depan Politik Indonesia," in Prism. No.
Ekstca, Tahun XlII, (1984). p. 16. See also Madjid, 'Tern HMT dalam Tantangan Perjuaogan yang
Proaktif," in Madjid, Tradisi Islam: Perm dm Fungsinya &lam Pentbangwan di indonesia,
Kasnanto, ed. (Jakarta: Patamadina, 1997). pp. 89406.
60 In hi5 later statements on this issue, Madjid clarifies that in so far as the attitude of the
Masyumi before 1955 or before it was obsessed with the idea of creating an Islamic state, such a
description h accepted. In this case, Madjid himself claims to have been a Mrrsyumi Mu& (Young
Masyumi) who tries to reston the situation of Masyumi before that time, which according to him,
was very democratic and inclusive, by calling for intellectual reasoning emphasizing p l u m
inclusivism, t01erance. and political relativism, See Madjid. "Rindu Kehidupaa Zaman Masyumi,"
in Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan: Anikuhi Nilui &lam Wacana Sosiaf Politik Kontemporer. Edy
A Effendi, ed. (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1998)' pp. 203-212 and "Saya Tak Rela Peran Pak Natsir
Dikccillcan," in Madjid and Roem, Ti& Ada Negum Islam, p. 69. This article was previously
pubIishedunder the title 'Tulisan YangDitunggu-Tunggu," Islami', no L (July-September, 1993).
pp. 74-86.
'%athimah, Chapter I, " 30
Natsir?'
This identification of Madjid as the 'Young Natsir' was in part based on the fact that
he, as a representative of the younger generation, had attempted a reformulation of Islamic
thought and the development of IsIamic tradition, just as Natsir had also done in his youth.
Like Natsir, Madjid had also been educated at an Islamic institution, was well acquainted
with the traditional Islamic sciences, was a member of an activist organization and was also
familiar with Western sciences, such as sociology, epistemology, philosophy, etc." Besides,
his fluency in several foreign languages, including Arabic, English and French, gave him
access to a wide body of knowledge.
Nevertheless, for Madjid himself, his experiences as president of the HM.1 were a
good preparation for his later career. From that time onwards, he has continually been
invited to give speeches on a variety of occasions and has frequently been appointed to
influential positions. He has also been intensively involved in intellectual activities such as
discussions, seminars, and symposiums, and has published widely in newspapers and
An exellent elaboration and comparison between Madjid and Natsir is given by Dawam
Rahanljo in his article, "Kenangan Reflektif atas Mohammad Natsir (1908-1993)," in Ulumul
Qur'un, vol. N, no. 1 (1993). pp. 20-24.
With this distinctive charafter, Madjid was seen as the best exemplification of the
manifestation of the H.M.I.mission to anticipate the problem of intellectual dualism among Muslim
intellectuals, which Natsir always tried to overcome: that was the dudism between the sedarly
educated intellectuals and the religiously educated Cukund'. In fact, in this case, Madjid overshadows
Natsir. See HowardFederspiel, 'mmocracy as aThem in Indonesian MuslimThioldngPna working
paper presented at the Institute of IsIamic Studies McGill University on March IO, 1992, p. 7;
Rahardjo, "Kenangan RefIelttif? p. 21; and Sudirman Tebba, Islam Or& Barn Penrbohrm Politik
dan Keugam~uut, ( Y o g y m Tiara Wacana, 1993), p. 177. Deliar Noer wrote a book about this
problem entitled, Mmalah 'Llkrmrr' Intelektuil atau InteIektuiI Clllrma': Suatu Thesis untuk
Generasi Muda Islm (Jakarta: Bulm Bintang, 1974), cited by Tanja, HMI, p. 11 1.
Later on, particularly a& his retun fkom Chicago in 1984 to undertake post-graduate
studies, he learned seved other foreign languages.
"Fathimah, Chapter I, " 31
journals, all of which has led to his becoming very popular, not only am0ngH.M.L members,
but also among other organizations. In 1967, for example, Madjid was the Indonesian
delegate to a conftrence held to form an Islamic Student Association of Southeast Asia
(Pemiat) in Kuala Lumpur, of which he was subsequently appointed president for a period
of two years.u This marked the beginning of Madjid's contact with international forums.
Also, during the period 1969-1971, he served as assistant secretary-general to the
International Islamic Federation of Students Organization (LI.F.S.0.). Moreover, when he
finished his term as president of the H.M.I.,h e took up a post as lecturer at his a h am ater,
LAJN. Syarif Hidayatullah, from 1972 to 1974, and served as editor in-chief of Mimbar
magazine in Jakarta from 1971 to 1974. He also participated as a researcher at the Leknas-
LlP.1. (the National Institute of Science) from 1976 to 1984, where he was involved in many
intellectual activities, seminars and conferences designed to contribute to the development
and formulation of Indonesian religious and political thougku Inspired by his deep concern
for the social, political and economic problems of the country and in keeping with his interest
in the discipline of Islamic studies, together with his colleagues he founded and
subsequently became director of the Institute of Social Science Studies (LS IIC) in Jakarta
from 1973 to1976, and of the Institute of Islamic Studies Samanhudi in Jakarta &om 1974
to 1992. respectively.
Madjid's contribution to the development of Islamic thought in Indonesia has
Anwar, "Pemikiran PoIitilc Nurcholish Madjid". 2; cf- SteenbMc. 'Nurcholish Madjid,',
p.31. Also see a biographical sketch of Madjid given by Fedenpiel, Mudim Intellectuals ond
National Devefopment in lndonesio (New York: Nova Science Publisher Inc, 1992). pp. 41-44.
"Fathimah, Chapter 1," 32
constituted an attempt to remove the prevailing misconceptions among Muslims about
modemization, which was a central theme of the New Order development program.* In
doing so, he, together with his colleagues from the H.M.I. such as Djohan Effendi, Ahmad
Wahib, and Dawam RahWo, has supported the government's policy of modernization, and
has tried to give a theological base for modernization by explaining the Islamic point of view
regarding the concept. In connection with this, in 1968 he wrote a long article entitled
"Modemisasi ialah Rasionalisasi, bukan Westernisas?' (Modernization is Rationalization,
not Westernization). The main point of the article is to be found in his statement that:
Modernization, meaning rationalization, or to acquire efficiency in thinking
and working for the happiness of human beings, constitutes an imperative and
fundamental command of God. Modernization means thinking and working
according to the fipa (SunnatulLi% at-haq) maLLifested in laws of nature.
Therefore, to be modern, man should k t acquire knowledge of the laws
prescribed in nature (God's command)?
In this context, modernization does not mean Westernization, where secularism is the most
dominant factor. Furthermore, he categorically rejects atheism which he regards as the
ultimate form of ~ecularism.A~l though previously there had been works written on this
topic by scholars such as Deliar Noer, Omar Has hem, Amin Rais, & M. Rasyidi, etc., it was
"With the rise of the New Order government, Islamic modemismand modernization in general,
became the central point of discussions among Muslim leaders, including those in the HMJ.
" This article was fint published serially in Panji Masyarakat, nos. 28,29, and 30 (March
1968). as cited in Boland, Ihc Struggle of I s h , p. 221 and Tanja, HMI, p. 126, but it is now
reprinted in his book Islmn, Kemodemc~& n Keiiubneshn (Bandug: Mizan, 1987), pp. 171-203.
Cf. Muhammad Kamal Hasan, Musfim Intellectuul Responses to "New Order" Modemwon in
Indonesia (Kuala Lumpuc Dewan Bahasa dan Pustaka Kemntrian Pelajaran Malaysia, 1982). p.
20.
Madjid Islam, Kemodcrnan h n Keindonesiaan, p. 173. More detailed elaboration on this
issue, see Chapter II, infia.
"Fathimah, Chapter l, " 33
not until this article appeared that the issue was given a fuller and more positive treatment?
In October 1968, in his capacity as a student leader, Madjid was invited by the U.S.
Department of Foreign Affairs to visit several universities in the United States under the
sponsorship of the Council for Leaders and Specialists (C.L.S.) in Washington D.C. On his
way home from the United States, he went to Paris and visited several Muslim countries such
as Turky, Lebanon, Syria, Iraq, ( where he first met Abdurrahman Wahid, who is now the
general chairman of the N.U. organization), Kuwait, Saudi Arabia, Sudan, and Egypt. From
Egypt, he went back to Lebanon and proceeded to Pakistan before returning to Indonesia in
January 1969. During this four-month itinerary, Madjid had seved meetings and discussions
with numerous Muslim Ieaders and CulamB' in these countries and also obtained some
important sources relating to Islamic ideology. Two months after he returned from his trip.
Madjid, at the invitation of the government of Saudi Arabia, led ten H.M.I. leaders on the
pilgrimage to Mecca.
Inspired by his experiences during his trip to the United States and in particular to the
various Muslim countries, and in view of the H.M.I.'s need for a document spelling out its
ideology, Madjid decided to write a small book entitled Nilai-Nilai Dasur Perjwmg~
(N.D.P.), that was adopted as the ideological guide for H.M.1 members after discussions at
the H.M.I. Congress in May 1969 in Malang, East ~ava?' What seems to be special and
significant about this book, as Fachry Ali notes, is that unlike the general ideological
" See Hasan, Muslim Inteltectuai Responsest pp. 20-2 1.
Madjid, 'The hsue of Moderaization," p. 383. See also his commnt on this in Pardoyo,
Sekuhrisusi &fm Polemik (Jakarta: Grafiti Ress. 1993), pp. xv-xvi. At the 17th HML congress
in 1988, the title ofthe book, which constitutedMadjid's first serious piece of writing, was changed
to Nilai Idennias Kbdcr (M.K.); see Sitompul, Histuriogr@, p. 135.
"Fathimnh. Chapter l, " 34
handbooks of other Muslim organizations, this book does not discuss the Islamic concepts
regarding God, man and nature in a conventional way. Rather, it explains them in relation
to wider issues with a critical and analytical exposition."
Nevertheless, Madjid's contniution to the development of Islamic thought in
Indonesia reached its climax on January 2, 1970 when he delivered a paper entitled
"Keharusan Pembaharuan Pemikiran Islam dan MasaIah Integrasi Urnmat'" on the occasion
of the 'Ibd fi&celeb ra t ion in ~akartao rganized by four organizations: H.M.I., GePI, P.11
(Pelajar Islam Indonesia), and Persami (Persatuan Sarjana Muslim Indonesia). At this time,
he truly established himself in a position of influence in the Islamic community of Indonesia
and as the forerunner of a "new thought movement." In his paper, Madjid provides an
enlightened Islamic perspective on what Muslims should do to reconstruct their society and
shows himself to be in favor of Islamic modernization in an effort to rebuild the political,
social, and cultural systems in Indonesia when Muslims are the majority of the population.
Since, as Madjid himself has in fart come to regret,n he employed in it such pejorative terms
as secularization," desacralization, and liberalization, the paper attracted severe censure and
criticism from other Muslim intellectuals, among them some of his own coUeagues in the
See Ali, 'late1ekt.d. Pengaruh Pemikiran dan Intelektualnya," a preface in Madjid, Dialog
Keterbukacut, xxi-lvii
* NOWit is reprinted in Madjid, Islam, Kemodenuvr dan Keindonesim, pp. 204-214.
Although Madjid actually had no intention of presenting it publicly, he later realized that he
should not have used such terms. This attitude is manifested in a working paper entitled 'The Issue
of Modernization among Muslims in Iodonesia: from a Participant's Pomt of View" delivered in a
conference on Indonesia at the University of Wisconsin in Madison in 1976.
"This tennis bonrowed from Harvey Cox and Robert N. BeIlah and is used in its sociological.
not philosophical context. However, this fact did not prevent him being accused of a secular
modernist promoting sccalarism and it subsequently led to bis no Ionger being referred to "Nutsir
Mucta" by the epithet. See a mom detded elaboration on this in Chapter I& infa.
"Fathimah, Chapter 1." 35
HMJ? In conjunction with those terms, he also proposed aconcept which has always been
a delicate theme in the discourse of Islamic thought in Indonesia: "Islam, Yes, IsIslamic Party,
No." This statement was proposed by Madjid based on his assessment of the situation faced
by Muslim political parties, i.e, that they had failed to build a positive image or to meet the
political aspirations of the Muslims. He maintains that it was impossible for Islam to gain
political power through these political parties. They only functioned as a means of realizing
an Islamic society and, therefore, were not absolute?' Budhy Munawar-Rachmaa, an
executive director of L.S.A.F. (Lembaga Study Agama dm Filsafat) and a chief staff of
Paramadina, records no less than 100 articles, the most hostile of which were those of H.M.
Rasjidin and E. Saifuddin ~nshari," that appeared during the 1970s in newspapers and
75 They also believed that with this dcIe, Madjid made a radical shift in his opinions,
especially about secularism, born those featured in his previous writings. Among his detractors in
this regard were E. Saefuddin Anshari, Muhammad Kamal Hasan, Jalaluddin Rabmat, H. M.
Rasyidi, M. Natsir, Abdul Qadir Djaelani, and even Ahmad Wahib, who happened to be his own
supporter. Dawam Rahardjo, Komaruddin Hidayat, Saiful Muzani, Fachry Ah, Greg Barton, and
others on the other hand believe that there is consistency in Madjid's thought before and after 1970.
See Rahardjo, "Mam daa Modernisasi," p. 27; Hidayat, "Preface" of Madjid. Islam Agama
Peradaban: Membangwt Makna dan Relevmi Doktrin tslam Dalam Sejatuh (Jakarta: Paramadina,
1995), p. vii; M d , "Di BaIik Polemik "Anti-Pembman" Islam: Memaha. Gejaia
'Fundamentalisme" Islam di Indonesia," Islarnika, no. 1 (Juli-September 1993); Ali, 'lntelektud,"
pp. xxi-Ivii, and Barton, "The International Context," p. 75 and "Neo-Modernism," p. 9.
76 Madjid, Islam, Kemodemn dun Keirzdonesium, p. 205 and 207. One has qnestioned
Madjid's consistency on this issue in 1977, since he himself was involved in a campaign for the
P.P.P. (Partai Penaman Pembangunan), a political party which used to represent Muslim interests.
Madjid argues that his involvement should be judged on the basis of his commitment to democracy,
which helped to create a political balance during the election proass. See his interview in Forum
Keadilan, "Oposioi Suatu Kcnyataan," no. 18 (24 December 1992), republished in Madjid, Dialog
Keterbukn, pp. 5-12; Natsir Tamara, "Sejarah Politik Islam Orde Bam," Prisms. no. 5, tahtm 17
(1988). pp. 47-48; Media Dakwuh (December 1992). p. 10 and Anwar. 'PemiLiran Politik
Nurcholish Madjid," p. 24.
See this author's Koreksi terhu&p Drs. Nurcholish Modjid tentang Sekularisasi (Jakarta:
Bulan Bintang, 1972) and SW Koreksi Lugi Bagi Drs. Nurchoish Madjid ( J a k a r ~D DII. 1973).
" See note 50, supra.
"Fathintah, Chapter l, " 36
journals in reaction to Madjid's ideas? Since then, Madjid supported by other young
modernists such as Djohan Effendi, Dawam Rahardjo, Usep Fathuddin, Utomo Dananjaya,
etc., has been regarded as the pioneer of the Islamic renewal movement in the 1970s which
called for the theological reexamination of Islamic doctrine^.^
However, although Madjid was quite aware of the consequences of his ideas, in
particular those relating to the unity of Indonesian Muslims, this did not stop him from
formulating new and fiesh interpretations of Tslamic doctrines. Therefore, on October 21,
1992, about 20 years after delivering his controversial paper on Islamic renewal, Madjid
delivered another landmark paper in a meeting at Taman Ismail Ma& (TLM.) Jakarta,
entitled: "Beberapa Renungan tentang Kehidupan Keagamaan di Indonesia untuk Generasi
Mendatang"? Madjid's ideas expressed in this paper were religiously and intellectually
provocative challenges to the prevailing trends of Islamic modernism. In this context, he
made an essential criticism of neo-fundamentalist movements, whether Muslim or non-
Muslim, aad more importantly, maintained that Islam had a more universal meaning, not
only as a formal religion but aIso as 'surrender to God' through which all the people of the
79 See Munawar Rachmaa, "Berbagai Respon Atas Gagasan Pembaharuan." in Ulumul Qur 'an,
vol. 4, no. 1, (1993), p. 55.
'O Barton marks Madjid's ideas in this period as the beginning of the emergence of neomodernism
in Indonesia and regards him as the most important neo-modernist thinlcer. See his The
International Context," p. 75; Robert Cribb and Colin Brown, Modem Indonesia: A History Since
1945 (New York: Longmen Group Limited, 1995), p. 159; and Anwar, "Sosiologi Pembamao
Pemikiran Islam Nmholish Madjid," in UlumuL Qur 'av,ol . 4, no. 1 (1993). pp. 4849. However,
in his later article, Barton raises the fact that there was other parallel thought, i.e. that of Ahmad
Wahib and his 'ZimitedGroup:' can be said as also formiagthe origins of the movement. See "Neo-
Modernism," pp. 9-10.
" Ii UIumul Qur'm, vol. 4, no. 1, (1993), pp. 4-25. Now it is reprinted in Madjid, Islam, Agamu
Kemanusiaan: M h g m Tr&i dim V . i Bum I s h Indonesia," Mdammad Wahyaai Nafis,
ad. (Jalcana: Paramadha, 1995). pp. 120-168.
''Fathimah, Chapter I, " 3 7
Book (ahl al-Eta) are considered Muslims. As has often been the case, this idea of Madjid
has also become a source of controversy and have attracted criticism, especially fkom
conservative modernist groups or neo-revivalist groups, most particularly from the Dewan
Dakwah Islnmiyah Indonesia (D.D.1.1.) and through its publication Media Dakwah (M.D.)?
Numerous writings regarding these issues have emerged in a variety of publications," and
long polemics, debates, dialogues and discussions have taken place in seminars and other
forums. Unfortunately, as many observers have pointed out, the core of Madjid's thought has
never been fully addressed by these criticisms since the polemics, debates and dialogues have
often been done in an emotional and unacademic context and sometimes have even become
courts of judgement for Madjid, in which personal attacks were given greater emphasis. One
example of this is the seminar held in Jakarta on June 25, 1995 by his opponents, wherein
Madjid was accused of being an agent of orientalists and zioni~rn.~
From the above account, it would seem that during the four years (1967-1971) of
* D.D.I.I. is a private religious organization established in 1967 in Jakarta. It is concerned with
Islamic missionary work and has a national reputation. M.D. is a monthly magazine published by
D.D.I.1. William Liddle uses the term scripturalists for MS. or DDJJ. as opposed to substanrialist
group, which is how he describes Madjid and his supporters. See, Liddle, "Media Dakwcrh
Scripturalism: One Form of Islamic Political Thought and Action in New Order Indonesia," in Mark
R. Woodward, ed., Toward a New Paradigm Recent Developments in Indonesian Islamic Thought
(Tempe: Arizona State University, 1996), pp. 323356.
These include collections of his articles fkom newspapers and magazines published under the
titles: Cak Nur in Fucw (Jakarta: Patamadina, 1993); Menggugat Gerakrrn Pembahanuur
Keaganraan: Debat Besar Pembalurnuzn Islum, 2 vols. ( l a . Lcmbaga Studi InfonaaSi
Pembangunan, 1995); Daud Rasyid, Pembahoncrur Islam drur Orientalisme d o l a Sorotan (Jduuta:
Usamah Press, 1993); also, the journal Ulumul Qur'an has published two special editions regarding
the issue; vo1. 4, no. 1 (1993) and vo1.6, no. 3 (1995).
The seminar, to which W j i d himself was not invited, discussed a book mitten by Abdul
Qadir Djaelani in reaction to Madjid's thoughts entided Meneltlsuri Kekehmn Pembahartl~n
Pemikirun Pem'kiran l s h NutcItoIish Madjid(Bandung Yadia, 1994). See also Madjid, "Menatap
Masa Depan hlam,'Tin UQ,n o. 1, v01. V (th. 1994), repubished in Madjid, Dialog Keterbukaan, pp.
121.
"Fathimah, Chapter l. " 38
Madjid' s holding the post of chairman of the H.M.I., his career flourished. But with Madjid's
departtue to the United States to pursue graduate studies at the University of Chicago in
1978, his career as an advocate of modernization in the Indonesian Muslim community was
interrupted. This program was continued by his associates and other modernist thinke~s.~
In Chicago, where he was accompanied by his wife Omi Kornaxia and his two
children Nadia and Ahmad Mikail, Madjid again met with Leonard Binder and Fazlur
ahm man.^ Zn his first year, Madjid found himself becoming interested in politicd science
and the sociology of religion under the tutelage of Binder, subjects which, according to
Madjid, were to prove instrumental to his career. After finishing his study of politics and
sociology, he went on to learn Islamic philosophy, which was more pertinent to his research
and whose value was more intrinsic." Madjid wrote his doctoral dissertation entitled "Xbn
Taymiyya on Kath and Falsafa" undu the supervision of Rahman, and in 1984 earned his
degree with Summa Cwn Lade. Madjid's choice of Ibn Taymiyya was on account of the
influence of this Muslim thinker, whose doctrines had inspired many contemporary Islamic
movements, from fundamentalists to liberalists. According to Madjid, Ibn Taymiyya's
criticism of kath and falsafa shows evidence of remarkable comprehension, given his
thorough knowledge of Hellenistic thought. As a matter of fact, he was the last Muslim
M~awar-Rachman, "Berbagai Respon," pp. 56-57 and Anwar, "Pernikiran Politik
Nurcholish Madjid," pp. 8-9.
' The first meeting with Binder and Rahmen occumd in Jakarta when they came to Indonesia
on behalf ofthe Ford Foundation m 1974 1oohgfor partners for international research seminar on
Islam and social change to be held in Chicago, America. At this time, Madjid was chosen as the
Indonesian repmentative for this project. See, Madjid, "An Interview," p. 4-7.
"Madjid, "Menyambung Matarantai Pcmikiran yang Hilrtng," p. 12. Cf. Rahardjo, 'Xenangan
Refleiaif,," p. 22.
"Fathimah, Chapter I, " 39
thinker in Islamic history to criticize Hellenism succ&sfUy, although his own doctrine on
qj& was itself influenced by ~ristotle.' Moreover, Madjid believes that Ibn Taymiyya left
behind a valuable intellectual tradition which has not been properly understood. By studying
his thought, he maintains, one can learn how to bee Muslims from stagnation and
backwardness. This solution in many aspects has a high value of authenticity, for it can bring
Muslims into the modem world and allow them to participate in it without doctrinal
hindrance. Therefore, although Madjid's dissertation seems to concentrate on issues of pure
thought, it does have certain political implications.This is because he has tried to make use
of this study in order to contniute to the effort in finding solutions to the problems faced by
Muslims in the modem w0r1d.~
It is also worth mentioning here that when he returned from Chicago, Madjid's
mastery of traditional Islamic sciences and his expertise in the secular or Western sciences
was fully acknowledged. Also, the recognition of his status as a neo-modemist thinker has
been given added weight due, in particular, to the infIuence of the thought of Rahman, who
is renowned as the creator of the neo-modernist scho01.~ Madjid has also been appointed
to an important position on the Faculty of Post-Graduate Studies of 1.AlN Syarif
Hidayatullah and has joined the LP.S .K.- L.LP.1 as one of the Master Staffs. In 1990, Madjid
held an Eisenhower fellowship, was member of the National Committee (KOMNAS) of
Human Rights of the Indonesian Republic, and during 1992-1993 taught as a visiting
---
a Madjid, "Menyambung Matarantai Pemildran yang HiIang," p. 13. See mom on this in his
"Ibn Taymiyya on Kalh and Fulsofa: A Problem of Reason and Revelation in Islam," unpublished
W.D. dissertation. Chicago University (June, 1984).
l9 Madjid, 'Menyambung Matarantai Pemikiran ymg Hilang," p. 13.
90 See Rahman, I s h mrdModemity (Chicago: Chicago University Ress, 1982).
"Fathimah, Chapter I, " 40
professor at the Institute of Islamic Studies at McGill University, Montreal, Canada.
Perhaps the most important move that Madjid made since his return from Chicago
was to found the Yayasan Wakaf Paramadinah 1986, in which his ideas of neo-modernism
are best expressed and institutionalized. Parmadinag' is intended as a religious institution
which strongly promotes integration of Islamic tradition and Indonesian culture in order to
realize the universal values of fslamic doctrines in relation to the local traditions of
Indonesian society. It was designed to be an Islamic center promoting creative and
constructive activities while avoiding defensive and reactionary responses of different
interpretations for the purpose of increasing the prosperity of Indonesian Muslims. As
director, Madjid has played a significant role in formulating its religious ideol~gy.~
Unlike many other leading Mush thinkers, such as Amien Rais and Abdurrahman
Wahid who are the general chairmen of the Muhammadiyah and the NU., respectively, and
who are involved in wide-scale political acti~ities?M~ adjid is not formally committed to
either organization, which -sent the two mainstreams of Isiatnic thought in Indonesia,
This name is taken from the Sanskrit word paramu meaning "superior" or 'principal", and
the Arabic word dk meaning "religion". Thus, Paraxnadina means the principal or superior religion
that is Islam. But it could also be taken from the Latin word par meaning "harmony" and the Arabic
word modha meaning "a city or civilized place". See Musthafa Helmy, "Pengajian di Tingkat 6,"
Tempo, (January 3,1987). However, according to Madjid's own account, it is taken from a Spanish
word para meaning "for" and an Arabic word ma&a meaning "civilization". See Liddle, "Media
Dukwah Scripturalism," p. 35 1. n. 8.
See Munawar Rachmaa, Kontekstualisasi Dokrin Ishrn &lam Sejarah (Jakarta: Paramadina,
1994), p. xiii-xiv. This institution according to Madjid is intended to fanction in a pde1 way with
intellectual institutions like in Malaysia or the Islam a dM odem Socie~of India. See Madjid,
'Fararnadina dan Investasi Kemanusiaan," in Dialog Keterbukuum, p. 310. This article was
previously published under the title "Saya DahuIdcan Paramadha d a-1ri in Jmva Post (9 April
1992).
* It is evident that Islamic organi7ations, even though they are ostensibIy non-political, still
engage poIiticaI practices. See Douglas E. Ramage, Politics bz IndOnesia:Democtacy, Islm &the
Ideology of Tolerance ( New Yo* Routledge, 1999, pp. 7677 and 133-136.
"Fathimah, Chapter&" 41
nor is he obsessive about practical politic^.^ His main concern, as Liddle remarks, is in
theological and social issues, in the sense that he tries to reassess faith and its practices in
conjunction with the social problems faced by the Muslim c~mrnunity?T~h is is debatable
however considering the fact that Madjid held a position in the government bureaucracy as
a member of the M.P.R. (People's Consultative Assembly) and also served as a Dewan Pakar
(board expert) of 1.C.M.I (The Association of Indonesian Muslim Intellectuals), an Islamic
organization which has been very closely linked to the government, from 1990 to 1995.
Douglas E. Ramage, on the other hand, points out that although Madjid has shown himself
to be more amenable than Wahid of the N.U., for instance, he should not be seen as a key
member of LCM.1 h fact, since 1994 he has distanced himself from it since he began to
find 1.CM.I. becoming too political; he has in fact expressed the wish that it should remain
a cultural and intellectual movement.% With his Paramadina foundation, he has become
instead an independent thinker developing intellectualism and religious discourse. In this
field, he has made a very significant contribution in his theory of so-called inclusive
theology. Referring to Ibn Taymiyya, he argues that Islam constitutes a religion for all
humanity and that its ideal really conforms to the general ideal of humanity which rejects
"As DawamRahardjo points out, one difference between Madjid and Natsir lies in the fact that
Madjid moved from being a sort of politician in the 1970s to being an intellectual figure in the
1980s. in particular after he retamed from Chicago. While Natsir turned from being a culnual
thinker to a politician aftet the independence (1945). See Rahardjo. "Kenangan Reflektif," p. 23.
9r Liddle, 'Media Dakwah Scripnuatism," p. 327,
% Ramage, Politics in Inclonesiiz, p. 76 and Adam Schwartz, A Norion in Waiting, IIndoesia in
the 1990s (Sydney: Man andunwin, 1994). p. 177. Madjid's account itself indicates that since its
establishment, Madjid was not deeply involved. See his "Paramadina dm hvestasi I C e m a n u
p. 3 10.
"Fathimah, Chapter l, " 42
exclusivism or absolutism, and highly respects plurality."
It is evident that the course of Madjid's career between the late 1960s and the early
1990s clearly shows how directly his life has been connected with the mission to provoke
the so-called renewalist movement of Islamic thought, or, to use the term given by his
opponents, the 'Gerakan Pembaharuan Keagamaan/Religious Renewal Movement' (G.P.K.);
a term used by the government as a joke referring to the 'Gerakan Pengacau
KearnananlSecurity Disturbers Movement' and an attribute for violent opposition to them.
He is now definitely a member of the "elite Muslim class," and is considered to be one of the
most prominent Indonesian Muslim theologians. Although his ideas during this period
attracted a lot of criticism and negative reaction, they did have a positive result in terms of
the development of Islam in Indonesia. According to Fachry Ali and Bahtiar Effendi, his
"new thought" helped Muslims to reformulate a new pattern of Islamic thought, such as can
be seen in the development of lslam in the 1980s?' Also, a major change in the religious and
political life of the Muslim community in Indonesia during the last twenty-five years can be
seen in the gradual evolution of the Muslim people from being in the position of opposing
the government and forming a barrier to its development process, to being the partner and
supporter of the state's development program.
C. Madjid's Works.
Among the more obvious things that can be said of Madjid is the fact that he is a
prolific writer. His publications are very nearly encyclopedic in variety and extent. So far,
" See Madjid, "Beberapa Renungan," p. 22.
98 ALi. Merimbah J u~mBa ru isfaun, pp. 133-134.
'Fathimah, Chapter l. " 43
there have been eleven books published by him as sole author, all of which are in the
Xndonesian language and ail ofwhich with the exception of Khnzunah Intelekhcal Islam (The
Intellectual Treasury of slam),^ consist of articles and papers previously delivered at the
K.K.A. in seminars and conferences, or published in newspapers and journals.
These works are Islam Kemodernan don ~ e ~ n d o n e(~Isiladm~,M odernity and Indonesian
Identity),"' Islam,Doktrin dan Peradabun: Sebwh Telaah Kritis tentang Masalah
Keimanan, Kemonusiaan &n Kemoderenan (Islam, Doctrine and Civilization: Critical
Analysis of the Problem of Faith, Humanity, and M~dernity),'I~sl am Kerakyatun dun
Keindonesiaan (Islam, Democracy and Indonesian 1dentity),lo3P intu-Pintu Menuju Tuhan
(The Doors to God),'" Islam~guma~ eradabun : e m ban gun Makna dun Relevansi D o w n
Islam Dalam Sejarah (Islam, The Religion of Civilization: Building Meaning and Relevance
of Islamic Doctrine in His tory),lwl s lm~ g amKae manusiaan: Mernbangun Tradisi dun Visi
Baru Islam Indonesia (Islam, The Religion of Humanity: Building a New Tradition and
99 Edited and translated fromthe writings of al-Kindi, al-FdrHbi, Ibn SfnH, a l - G h d , Ibn Rushd,
Ibn Taimiy yah. etc. (Jakarta: Bulan Bintang, 1984).
Irn K.K.A is an abridgment of Klub Kajian Agama or Religious Studies Club. It is a monthly
discussion program held by Paramadina and having approximately 300 active members most of
whom are from the elite intellectuals and young activists. In each forum, then were always two
speakers presenting papers, one of whom usually happened to be Madjid himself.
lo' Ed. Agus Edi Santoso, preface by Dawam Rabardjo (Bandung: Mizan, 1987).
Irn(J akarta: Paramadina, 1992).
lm Ed. Agus Edi Santoso (Bandung: Mizan, 1993).
Ed. Elza Peldi Taher, preface by Goenawan Mobamad (J- Paramadina, 1994).
Im Ed. Muhammad Wahyuni Nafis, preface by Komaruddin Hidayat (Jakarta: Patamadina,
1995).
"Fathimah, Chapter 4" 44
Vision of Indonesian Islam),'" Masyarakat Religiw (Religious Society),lo7 Kaki Langit
Peradaban Islam (The Horizon of Islamic Civilizati~n),'a~n~d Tradisi Islam, Peran dan
Fwlgsinya datam Pembangunan di Indonesia (Islamic Tradition, Its Role and Function in
Development in ~ndonesia),'~' Tidak Ada Negara Islam: Surat-Swat Politik Nurcholish
Madjd-Muhamad Roem."' Bilik-Bilik Pesmtren: Sebuah Potret Pejalmun (The Walls of
Pesantren: A Portrait of a The most recent book of Madjid to be published,
however, is Dialog Keterbukaan: Ariikulusi Nilai lslam dalam Wacana Sosial Politik
Kotemporer (Dialogue of Openness: The Articulation of Islamic Value in the Contemporary
Socio-Political Di~course.).~I'n~ addition to these published works, there is another
unpubhshed scholarly work authored by Madjid, his Ph. D. dissertation "Ibn Taymiyya on
Kid* and Faisafa."
In spite of the common thread running through the essays in these books, they are in
another sense, i.e. as to their topics and the occasions of their writing, quite heterogenous.
In particular, there is a dividing line between the works which deal broadly with various
topics relating to the Islamic doctrines and civilization from classical to modem times, and
those which deals specifically with the development of Islam in Indonesia and its various
problems in modemlpostmodem culture and aesthetics.
Ed. Muhamrmd Wahyuni Nafis (Jakarta: Paramadina, 1995).
lm Ed. Ahmad Gaus AF (Jakata: Paramadina, 1997).
'* Ed. Ahmad Gaus AF (Jalrarta: Panunadina, 1997).
'* Ed. Kasnanto (JaLaaa. Paramadina, 1997).
Preface by Ahxnad S yafibi Mabarif (Jakarta: Djambatan, 1997).
"' Ed. Kasnanto, preface by Ayumardi Azra ( J a b Paramadim, 1997).
'I2 Ed. Edy A. Effendi, preface by Fachry Ali (Jakarta: Panunadina, 1998).
"Fathimah, Chapter l. " 45
His Khazanah Intelektual Islam actually represents the first of Madjid's works to
appear in a book form. It was written while he was in Chicago pursuing his graduate studies
and was inspind to write it after participating in a conference of the Association of Asian
Studies held in Los Angeles early in 1978.113 Although the book consists chiefly of
translations of passages from the works of classical Muslim thinkers, such as Ibn Sink al-
Kindi, al-Fdbi, al-Ghaza-, Ibn Rushd, Ibn Taymiyya, etc., it does a long and deep analysis
in the introduction, showing his appreciation of the classical tradition of Islamic thought.
The next of Madjid's books to be published was his Islam, Kernodeman dan Keindonesiaan,
the first to be published after his return from Chicago in 1984. However, almost half of the
book contains articles that he wrote during the 1970s, including his most famous paper
"Keharusan Pembaharuan Pernikiran Islam dan MasaIah Integrasi Ummat" which caused so
much controversy.
However, among his all works, islam, Doktrin dan Peradabon appears to be his
magnum opus. It has enjoyed considerable popularity and has gained much appreciation from
Although the book consists of articles, most of which were initially presented as
working papers at the K.ICA., it does not lack unity of theme, nor does it suffer from any
absence of continuity or coherence in its Line of thought. In fact, each articIe in itself and
' I' Madjid, Khtazanah Intelekruoi Islam, p. vi.
"' For example, Franz MagnisSuseno, who is a Jesuit scholar from Germany and a professor
of social ethics and philosophy at the Sekolah Tiggi Filsafat (STF') Driycukara and at the graduate
faculty of University of Indonesia, both in Jakarta, is one of the scholars who is impressed and
amsrcd by the good quaiity of this book According to him, it reflects how a prominent hdonesiau
Muslim intellectual views his religion facing the chaflenge of the modem cultare. See his articIe,
"Nixcholish Madjid, Islam dan Modernitas," in U l d Qur 'an, vol. 4, no. 1 (1993), p. 36. It is also
evident that even though the price was relatively quite high, the first copies of the book were sold
out within a year.
"Fathimah, Chapter 1, " 46
within the whole context of the book, proves Madjid's comprehensive understanding of
Islamic doctrines. The real significance of the book, however, is in its main theme which not
only focuses on the normative side of Islam, but also explains how Islamic civilization can
be used as historical proof for the implementation of religious norms.t1s In this context,
Madjid again explains and develops more deeply the substantive argouments for the renewal
of Islamic thought that he and his associates have proclaimed since the 1970s. It is also in
this book that he provides critical analysis of classical Islamic thought in the light of his
views on the problems of faith, humanity, and modernity in the context of contemporary
Indonesia
His work Islam, Kemkyatan, dan Keindonesiaan is, again, a collection of Madjid's
short articles contributed to newspapers and journals during the years 1970-1972, a period
which marked the beginning of his career and the emergence of a new era for the Islamic
renewal movement in Ind~nesia."T~h e significance of this work is clearly manifested in its
main theme; i.e., the struggle for social justice and human rights in relation to the social and
political reality of the Indonesian community during the years of the New Order era. Based
on ideas found in this book, some of his opponents have concluded that then is inconsistency
in Madjid's h e of thought, which they see as moving from an ideological to a pragmatic
orientation. It is often described as justifying his nickname of Natsir Muda, in that it seems
to incorporate some of Natsir's ideas. 'I' Pin&-Pintu Menuju T u b , which consists of300
'I6 According to the editor. Agus Edi Santoso who is also the editor of Madjid's previous book,
lsl'' Kemoderenrm dan Keidonesiaan, it took him five years to collect and edit all the articles.
Even so, the original source of some of the writings still caunot be found.
' " See also note 75. supra.
"Fathimah, Chapter 1," 47
pages, is a collection of Madjid's short writings originally published under the rubric Pelita
Hati in the daily newspaper Pelita between 1989 and 1991, and some others from Tempo
magazine. This particular work of Madjid covers a variety of topics ranging from theology,
history, t&7r and ethics, to pluralism, humanism, and socio-politics, e.t.c., and feahues
different modes of expression compared to is!am, Doknin dnn Peradaban. While the latter
was written in language that makes it very difficult for ordinary people to read and
understand it, the former tends to use more popular and simple expressions and, therefore,
is easier to understand. That is why within only two months, the first edition of the book
could no longer be found on store shelves. However, although the book is written in a simple
and popular idiom, this does not necessarily mean that it lacks the analytical and deep insight
that is usually the feature of most of Madjid's writings.
Madjid has also written a large number of articles which are not included in these
books. The most important of them is his autobiography, especially that part written during
his first involvement in the early process of Indonesian modernization, with which any
investigation of his life and thought must necessarily begin."' Also of importance is his
article entitled "Islam in Indonesia: Challenges and Opportunities," published together with
FazIur Rahman's and others in a 1980 monograph.'" There is also another collection of
articles written by many prominent Indonesian authors entitled Kontekshurlisasi Doktrin
Islam dalm Sejarah (Contextualization of Islamic Doctrine in History),'2o in which
' l8 See his ''The Issue of Modernization among Muslims in Indonesia," note 41, supra.
"' in Cyriac K. FullapiUy, ed., Islam in the Contemporary World (Notre Dame. Indiana: Cross
Roads Books, 1980). pp. 3401357.
lrn Ed. Budhi Munawar Rabman ( J m Pararnadina, 1994).
"Fathimah, Chapter l. " 48
Madjid's contribution forms the larger part of the text.
The general tenor of Madjid's works proves that he possesses a 'scientific temper,'
relies on methods of sound scholarship, and puts the fruits of his findings to the test of
critical examination and comment by contributing to learned journals, newspapers, and
magazines. What is more, Madjid's writings have always been controversial and have
sparked lengthy debate among Indonesian scholars, academics and young people.